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The Dalits of Nepal and a New Constitution - ConstitutionNet

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26<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>Dalits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

a <strong>New</strong> <strong>Constitution</strong><br />

including four towns <strong>and</strong> four villages. 28 Such practices<br />

include denial by “high castes” <strong>of</strong> entry by <strong>Dalits</strong> into<br />

houses, temples, hotels <strong>and</strong> restaurants, teashops, work<br />

places, food factories, dairy farms <strong>and</strong> milk collection<br />

centres etc. Non-<strong>Dalits</strong> deny <strong>Dalits</strong> services related to<br />

milk, health, credit, training, religion <strong>and</strong> food <strong>and</strong> drink.<br />

“High caste” people deny <strong>Dalits</strong> access to common<br />

resources including drinking water sources, community<br />

forests, <strong>and</strong> crematory. “High caste” people deny kinship<br />

<strong>and</strong> other relationships including inter-caste marriages;<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>Dalits</strong> experience caste based untouchability in feasts,<br />

festivals, marriage processions, <strong>and</strong> funerals.<br />

Dalit women start their day early in the morning by going<br />

to a nearby water source to fetch drinking water but they<br />

are not allowed to touch water fetched by “high caste”<br />

people, or they wait for their turn until “high caste” people<br />

have fetched water or even have to use a separate water<br />

source that is not used by “high caste” people. If <strong>Dalits</strong><br />

somehow touch water collected by “high caste” people,<br />

they are abused verbally or physically. “High caste” people<br />

do not enter their houses <strong>and</strong> <strong>Dalits</strong> are not allowed to<br />

enter “high caste” people’s houses. “High caste” <strong>and</strong> “low<br />

caste” people do not eat food together. It is ironic that<br />

“high caste” people hire <strong>Dalits</strong> as labourers or craftsmen<br />

when they build their houses but after its completion<br />

they perform purification rituals <strong>and</strong> then <strong>Dalits</strong> are not<br />

allowed to enter their houses. Marriage between non-<br />

<strong>Dalits</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Dalits</strong> or between “high caste” <strong>and</strong> “low caste”<br />

<strong>Dalits</strong>, <strong>of</strong>ten ends up with separation or social boycott.<br />

Many <strong>Dalits</strong> work as agricultural labourers, cobblers,<br />

blacksmiths, tailors or musicians for their “high caste”<br />

patrons or l<strong>and</strong>lords but instead <strong>of</strong> wages or remuneration<br />

they get food grains during harvesting time. <strong>Dalits</strong> do not<br />

get rooms or houses to rent in towns unless they hide<br />

their Dalit identity. <strong>Dalits</strong> are not allowed to participate in<br />

politics in leadership positions.<br />

<strong>The</strong> concluding observations <strong>of</strong> the Committee on the<br />

Elimination <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, in March 2004,<br />

include three important observations related to <strong>Dalits</strong>.<br />

“<strong>The</strong> Committee remains deeply concerned at the<br />

persistence <strong>of</strong> the de facto caste-based discrimination<br />

<strong>and</strong> the culture <strong>of</strong> impunity that apparently permeates<br />

the higher strata <strong>of</strong> a hierarchical social system. In<br />

particular, it is concerned at information on the existence<br />

<strong>of</strong> segregated residential areas for <strong>Dalits</strong>, social exclusion<br />

<strong>of</strong> inter-caste couples, restriction to certain types <strong>of</strong><br />

employment, <strong>and</strong> denial <strong>of</strong> access to public spaces, places<br />

<strong>of</strong> worship <strong>and</strong> public sources <strong>of</strong> food <strong>and</strong> water, as well<br />

as at allegations that public funds were used for the<br />

construction <strong>of</strong> separate water taps for <strong>Dalits</strong>.” 29 Another<br />

observation is about ineffective implementation <strong>of</strong> laws:<br />

“<strong>The</strong> Committee is concerned at the allegations <strong>of</strong> illtreatment<br />

<strong>and</strong> ineffective protection <strong>of</strong> <strong>and</strong> discrimination<br />

against <strong>Dalits</strong> <strong>and</strong> other vulnerable groups in society, by<br />

law enforcement <strong>of</strong>ficials, especially the police. <strong>The</strong><br />

Committee stresses that prompt <strong>and</strong> impartial<br />

investigations are paramount in counteracting<br />

discriminatory attitudes <strong>and</strong> practices.”<br />

Educational Hardships<br />

Dr. Bidhyanath Koirala, an expert on education <strong>and</strong> <strong>Dalits</strong>,<br />

categorized educational discrimination against <strong>Dalits</strong>: 30 (i)<br />

Direct discrimination which has resulted in higher dropout<br />

rates <strong>of</strong> Dalit students in education; (ii) Structural<br />

discrimination against Dalit students with no proper access<br />

to the means <strong>and</strong> materials in the schools; (iii) Silent<br />

discrimination by the School Management Committees<br />

who fail to take necessary action against school teachers,<br />

peers, management committee members <strong>and</strong> guardians<br />

who engage in caste-based discrimination in schools; (iv)<br />

Pedagogical discrimination including teachers’ use <strong>of</strong><br />

derogatory words <strong>and</strong> examples in regard to <strong>Dalits</strong>, <strong>and</strong><br />

failure to appreciate <strong>Dalits</strong>’ occupation, culture <strong>and</strong> skills.<br />

Poverty prevents Dalit children going to schools or<br />

continuing their education. Dalit children who do go to<br />

school are humiliated as untouchables by “high caste”<br />

teachers <strong>and</strong> students in school, especially in the class<br />

28<br />

Bhattachan, Krishna B. et al. Existing Practices <strong>of</strong> Caste-based Untouchability in <strong>Nepal</strong> <strong>and</strong> Strategy for a Campaign for Its Elimination, (Kathm<strong>and</strong>u: Actionaid, <strong>Nepal</strong>, 2003)<br />

page xiv.<br />

29<br />

Consideration <strong>of</strong> reports submitted by states parties under article 9 <strong>of</strong> the convention. Concluding observations <strong>of</strong> the Committee on the Elimination <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination.<br />

NEPAL. Committee on the Elimination <strong>of</strong> Racial Discrimination, Sixty-fourth session 23 February-12 March, 2004. CERD/C/64/CO/5, 28 April 2004, para. 12. Available<br />

on the internat http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/country/nepal2004.html.<br />

30<br />

Cited by Bhattachan, Krishna B., Tej Sunar <strong>and</strong> Yasso Kanti Bhattachan (Gauchan). Caste based Discrimination in <strong>Nepal</strong> (2007) (A final draft report prepared for Indian Institute<br />

<strong>of</strong> Dalit Studies (IIDS), Delhi, International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN), Copenhagen, in association with <strong>Nepal</strong> National Dalit Social Welfare Organization (NNDSWO) <strong>and</strong> Dalit<br />

NGO Federation (DNF)).

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