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The Dalits of Nepal and a New Constitution - ConstitutionNet

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>Dalits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

a <strong>New</strong> <strong>Constitution</strong><br />

39<br />

that the Government is expected to turn a magic tap<br />

<strong>and</strong> make water flow into every home. <strong>The</strong> International<br />

Covenant includes some important ideas that can be also<br />

introduced into the <strong>Constitution</strong>. <strong>The</strong>se include nondiscrimination<br />

(everyone must have equal access to the<br />

rights), <strong>and</strong> progressive realisation – that is that the state<br />

(the government) has the duty to move towards full<br />

realisation <strong>of</strong> the right. And there is also the idea that<br />

the government must use the resources that it has to<br />

realise those rights. It is not expected suddenly to<br />

become rich enough to work miracles. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Constitution</strong><br />

could include the requirement that the state should give<br />

priority to those whose need is greatest. In interpreting<br />

the Covenant other important ideas have been<br />

developed. Especially there is the idea that the most<br />

basic duty <strong>of</strong> the state is to respect the rights: this means<br />

that the state must not itself interfere with the right to<br />

access to water. Secondly the state must protect that<br />

right from interference by others – this would include<br />

the duty to protect water supplies from pollution, <strong>and</strong><br />

over-use. <strong>The</strong>re is a duty actively to fulfil the right only if<br />

people cannot do it for themselves <strong>and</strong> if measures <strong>of</strong><br />

protection do not achieve the right. So the emphasis is<br />

on people being free to satisfy their needs themselves,<br />

with the duty <strong>of</strong> the state being to support the people<br />

in that. All this could be concisely written into the<br />

<strong>Constitution</strong>.<br />

Education<br />

Education is another right under the Covenant. In fact there<br />

is a duty to ensure primary education immediately – not<br />

progressively. It would be possible to go further <strong>and</strong> say<br />

that the right to education includes the right that there<br />

are teachers from all communities. And the right could<br />

also include a right to a syllabus <strong>and</strong> to school books that<br />

do not portray particular groups in a derogatory light.<br />

Chance to work<br />

<strong>The</strong> same Covenant includes the right to work <strong>and</strong> to<br />

decent conditions <strong>of</strong> work. Many constitutions have<br />

included rights <strong>of</strong> this sort. <strong>The</strong> same principles apply:<br />

that the state must try to achieve the fulfilment <strong>of</strong> these<br />

rights – not by giving everyone jobs but by not st<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

in the way <strong>of</strong> people working, by reasonably protecting<br />

working rights – though positive steps to make work<br />

possible might also be an obligation in some circumstances.<br />

An end to violence against Dalit women<br />

This is a difficult topic. Anyone can see that a statement<br />

in a <strong>Constitution</strong> that “<strong>The</strong>re must be no violence<br />

against women” will probably achieve nothing. Violence<br />

against anyone is already a criminal <strong>of</strong>fence. <strong>The</strong><br />

reasons why violence against women is such a problem<br />

in many countries are complex, being concerned with<br />

culture, economic status, social attitudes including those<br />

<strong>of</strong> law enforcement agencies <strong>and</strong> other factors. <strong>The</strong> fact<br />

that it is complex does not mean it is not a suitable<br />

subject for discussion at the Constituent Assembly. <strong>The</strong><br />

message at this point must be: Get the topic on the<br />

agenda <strong>of</strong> the Constituent Assembly. Do not accept<br />

arguments that this is nothing to do with a <strong>Constitution</strong>.<br />

Insist that it is a topic worthy <strong>of</strong> discussion <strong>and</strong> that there<br />

may be things that even a <strong>Constitution</strong> can say that are<br />

relevant to the issue.<br />

Access to l<strong>and</strong> for the l<strong>and</strong>less<br />

This is another very complex issue <strong>and</strong> one that a<br />

<strong>Constitution</strong> cannot produce any magic solution to. But<br />

again this is something that it is entirely appropriate to<br />

discuss in a Constituent Assembly. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Constitution</strong> may<br />

be able to remove some obstacles to l<strong>and</strong> reform: for<br />

example in some countries property rights have stood<br />

in the way <strong>of</strong> efforts to get l<strong>and</strong> for the l<strong>and</strong>less.<br />

Discussions on such a right must take this into account.<br />

Maybe there is something about governance that creates<br />

problems over l<strong>and</strong> allocation. And if there is a federal<br />

system, the effectiveness <strong>of</strong> policies on l<strong>and</strong> may depend<br />

on which level <strong>of</strong> government has the power to make<br />

decisions on this topic, <strong>and</strong> where the control <strong>of</strong> resources<br />

lies. <strong>The</strong> important thing again is to get the issue onto<br />

the agenda <strong>of</strong> the Constituent Assembly, <strong>and</strong> insist that<br />

it receives full consideration.<br />

Express recognition <strong>of</strong> Dalit rights<br />

<strong>Dalits</strong> face psychological obstacles that communities<br />

in other countries face: that there is an expectation<br />

that <strong>Dalits</strong> will not be Chief Justice or Prime Minister<br />

or hold other public <strong>of</strong>fices. It is the sort <strong>of</strong> expectation<br />

that women face in many countries. In drafting their<br />

1996 <strong>Constitution</strong> the South African Constituent<br />

Assembly devised an interesting approach: as well as<br />

gender neutral language (not a big problem in <strong>Nepal</strong>i),<br />

they went to further to clarify that when they said

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