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Etymological Dictionary of Basque - Cryptm.org

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14 R. L. Trask<br />

2. The phonemes <strong>of</strong> Pre-<strong>Basque</strong><br />

The name Pre-<strong>Basque</strong> is given here to the earliest stage <strong>of</strong> the language for which significant<br />

information can be obtained. This is the period when <strong>Basque</strong> first began borrowing words<br />

from Latin, and so it must represent a time <strong>of</strong> about 2000 years ago. The phonemes <strong>of</strong> Pre-<br />

<strong>Basque</strong> were magisterially reconstructed by Luis Michelena (1961a). The reconstructed<br />

segments are as follows, where the symbols are chosen to reflect the most usual continuations<br />

<strong>of</strong> the segments in the modern language, and should not be taken as phonetically precise. The<br />

consonants fall into two groups, called fortis and lenis by Michelena.<br />

fortis:<br />

lenis:<br />

vowels:<br />

(p) t k tz ts N L R<br />

b d g z s n l r<br />

i e a o u<br />

The consonant *p was at best rare, and its existence is not certain. The segments *tz and *z<br />

were lamino-alveolar friction consonants, while *ts and *s were apico-alveolar friction<br />

consonants, as in the modern language. So far as we can judge, the two consonant series<br />

were distinguished phonetically as follows. First, the fortes were long, while the lenes were<br />

short. (The liquid *R was probably a trill, like its modern descendant rr, while *r was<br />

probably a tap, like its modern descendant r.) Second, the five fortis obstruents were<br />

completely occluded, while the five lenes were <strong>of</strong>ten incompletely occluded – always so for<br />

the friction consonants. Third, the segments *p *t *k were usually voiceless, while *b *d *g<br />

were usually voiced. Fourth, the segments *p *t *k could bear the aspiration, while *b *d *g<br />

could not.<br />

Note that no *m can be reconstructed for Pre-<strong>Basque</strong>. The modern m was introduced into the<br />

language by the phonological changes P**{2}, P**{3} and P**{7}, described in section 6.<br />

Early borrowings also <strong>of</strong>ten contained m; see especially L**{6} in section ***{10}. The<br />

modern consonants f and j were also absent from Pre-<strong>Basque</strong>; their origins are given in<br />

section {6: P72, P36}.<br />

The aspiration was undoubtedly present in Pre-<strong>Basque</strong>, but it seems to have been a nonphonemic<br />

suprasegmental feature; see section 3.<br />

The modern palatal and palatal-alveolar consonants tt, dd, tx, x, ñ and ll were probably<br />

present in Pre-<strong>Basque</strong>, but these never occurred in ordinary lexical items: instead, they<br />

occurred only in expressive variants <strong>of</strong> these items. See section {11}.<br />

The modern diphthongs ai, ei, oi, au and eu were very likely present in Pre-<strong>Basque</strong>, but they<br />

were not distinct from the corresponding vowel sequences. They differed from other vowel<br />

sequences only in that they could constitute single syllabic nuclei for such purposes as<br />

aspiration assignment. The rare modern diphthong ui was probably absent: this diphthong<br />

seems to have developed since Pre-<strong>Basque</strong>. Other vowel sequences, if these occurred at all,<br />

seemingly could not form single syllabic nuclei.<br />

There were extensive neutralizations <strong>of</strong> fortis/lenis consonant pairs. The fortis and lenis<br />

members <strong>of</strong> each pair contrasted only word-medially, and mostly only intervocalically.<br />

Word-initially, only lenis consonants occurred, and only six <strong>of</strong> them: *b *d *z *s *l *n.<br />

Word-finally, only fortis consonants occurred, and only five <strong>of</strong> them in lexical items (*tz *ts

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