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24 R. L. Trask participles, with the usual Latin ending -tum, and that the morph -tu thus obtained supplanted the native suffix. For many centuries now, all new verbs entering the language from whatever source have formed their participles only with -tu. This applies both to verbs borrowed from Latin and Romance and to verbs created within the language from non-verbal stems. Verbs in -tu never exhibit any synthetic forms at all. But note that native verbs in -i have occasionally been transferred to the -tu class, as explained in {section 8} M**{14}.
Etymological Dictionary of Basque 25 6. Phonological changes The information presented here is taken chiefly from Michelena (1961a; 2nd ed. 1977a), with supplementary material as appropriate from many other sources. On the whole, the phonology of Basque during the last 2000 years has been rather more conservative than that of its Romance neighbours. Basque toponyms and personal names recorded as far back as the Roman period are not dramatically different from their modern forms, and loan words taken from Latin are more conservative in form in modern Basque than in Romance. [NOTE that a following /h/ never prevents a C from being intervocalic: FHV 223 fn] P1. Intervocalic /n/ loss (Michelena’s Law) In the early medieval period, intervocalic */n/ was categorically lost, except when this loss was blocked by the competing P2. The medieval evidence suggests that this loss was complete by the beginning of the 11th century. The loss was normally blocked by a clear morpheme boundary, so that, for example, gizon ‘man’ + -a article yields gizona ‘the man’, and no such forms as *gizoa are recorded. However, in B we occasionally find /n/ loss even at a morpheme boundary. Loss of /n/ left behind nasalization on the adjoining vowels. The nasalization later developed in several different ways. P1.1. Loss. Nasality was simply lost. So, for example, *zunur yields zuhur, zuur, zur ‘prudent’ in most varieties. In central varieties, nasality was lost too early to be recorded. Nasality survived in B until the 16th century, when it is expressly noted by two writers, but was lost soon after. In Z and R, loss is only sporadic, and the nasal vowels usually survive today, especially in R, which preserves more nasal vowels than Z (though R itself has recently gone extinct). P1.2. Retention. The nasal vowels have generally (though not invariably) survived to the present day in R and Z. So, for example, *zunur yields Z zũhũr, R zũr ‘prudent’. P1.3. Reinterpretation I. The nasality is reinterpreted as a following /n/. For example, Latin granum, borrowed as *garanu, developing to *garãũ, yields modern garaun alongside garau. P1.4. Reinterpretation II. In B, the sequence */inV/ developed first to a sequence of nasal vowels, as usual, but this sequence was then reinterpreted as /iñV/. The first stage is well recorded in the earliest B literature, while the second is the norm during the last couple of centuries. For example, original *burdina ‘iron’ gives old B burdĩã but modern B burdiña, {cf. P2}. P1.5. Feature shift. Very sporadically, nasality is transferred to a preceding /d/ or /t/, converting it to /n/. For example, *ardano ‘wine’, developing to *ardãõ, *ardõ, yields L LN arno, and *gaztane ‘cheese’, developing to *gaztãẽ, yields L LN Z R gazna. P2. Assimilation of /n/ P1 was competing with another change, which sometimes won out. Intervocalic */n/ was sporadically assimilated to a preceding high vowel: to /ñ/ after /i/, to /m/ after /u/. The
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auka (B) ****{n. ‘lichen’} [Arb
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aurri [DUBIOUS: Arb] {M. 1958e; 195
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azefrae (old B), azefrai (Sout) n.
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doi *****{‘so much’} [FHV 107]
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irun (**), ürün (Z), urun (R) vt.
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-kute [MITX 73] {M. (1973a: s.v.)}
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morla (G HN) n. ‘tassel’. From
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mus (**) n. ‘mus’, a certain ca
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pauma (LN S) n. ‘peacock’ (zool
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txapia (Sout) a. ‘bow-legged’.
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zela (**{L EB}) n. ‘saddle’. **
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