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Etymological Dictionary of Basque - Cryptm.org

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46 R. L. Trask<br />

M11. Verbs in -n<br />

Most ancient verbs built on verbal roots have a perfective participle (citation form) <strong>of</strong> the<br />

structure e-Root-i, where the prefix e- is <strong>of</strong> unknown function but appears in all non-finite<br />

forms <strong>of</strong> ancient verbs, and the suffix -i marks the perfective participle. Examples: etorri<br />

‘come’, ikusi ‘see’. But quite a number <strong>of</strong> verbs are exceptional. Their participle has the<br />

form e-Root[-n], in which the suffix -i is absent and the root ends in an -n which<br />

sometimes behaves like part <strong>of</strong> the root and sometimes not. Examples: joan ‘go’, egin ‘do,<br />

make’. As a rule, the /n/ remains in the perfective participle and in the radical, but it<br />

disappears in the synthetic finite forms (where these exist), and in word-formation when a<br />

suffix or a following lexical item is added. Trask (1990) proposes that these were once<br />

verbs <strong>of</strong> ordinary form whose roots happened to end in /n/, and that the loss <strong>of</strong> intervocalic<br />

/n/ by P1 produced anomalous forms which then underwent analogical re<strong>org</strong>anization.<br />

This analysis is supported by the observation that the participles <strong>of</strong> the two verbs eman<br />

‘give’ and igan ‘go up’ are each recorded once in the early texts as emai and as ikai.<br />

M12. Verbs in -o<br />

There are also a number <strong>of</strong> ancient verbs whose citation forms end in -o, such as jo ‘hit’,<br />

ito ‘drown’ and ero ‘kill’. These verbs exhibit a number <strong>of</strong> peculiarities, some <strong>of</strong> them<br />

shared with the verbs in -n, and indeed there are verbs variably belonging to both groups,<br />

such as igan ~ igo ‘go up’. It seems likely that the verbs in -o are historically verbs in -n<br />

which have undergone further complex developments, but the history <strong>of</strong> these verbs<br />

cannot at present be recovered.<br />

M13. Exceptional stems with an extra /i/<br />

{****}<br />

M14. Shift from the /-i/ class to the /-tu/ class<br />

In a number <strong>of</strong> cases, verbs have been shifted from the -i class to the -tu class. Examples:<br />

old sarri, modern sartu ‘enter’, ‘insert’ (from an unknown stem); old aberatsi, modern<br />

aberastu ‘get rich’, ‘enrich’ (from aberats ‘rich’); ****. This process can also affect the<br />

unusual verbs in -n and in -o described in the next two sections: old (and still current) jario<br />

~ jarion ‘flow’, regional variant jariatu.<br />

When this shift happens, sometimes the old participle remains fossilized in the language as<br />

an adjective. Examples: ezagutu ‘be acquainted with’ (verb), ezagun ‘familiar, wellknown’<br />

(adjective and old participle); ****<br />

M15. The dative flags<br />

There is a good deal <strong>of</strong> evidence for the former existence <strong>of</strong> two suffixes, <strong>of</strong> the forms -ki<br />

and -ts-, occurring in both finite and non-finite forms <strong>of</strong> verbs. The function <strong>of</strong> each<br />

suffix was to increase the valency <strong>of</strong> a verb by adding a dative object to its diathesis.<br />

When -ki is added, the participial suffix -i is suppressed; when -ts- is added, this is<br />

followed by the usual -i in the participle. There is a modest amount <strong>of</strong> evidence from old<br />

B that -ki was once added to intransitive verbs and -ts- to transitive verbs, but this

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