The Materiality of Death - mikroarkeologi.se

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References ALMEIDA, PEDRO B & FERNANDES, FRANCISCO (FORTHCOMING). The necropolis of Cimalha - Felgueiras in the Bronze Age of the North of Portugal: spatial and social order considerations. Spaces and places for agency, memory and identity in prehistoric and protohistoric Europe, Ana M. S. Bettencourt, M. Jesus Sanches, Lara B. Alves & Rámon Fábregas Valcarce (eds.): Proceedings of the 15th Congress of the International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, Lisbon, September 2006. BARRET, JOHN C. 1994. Fragments from antiquity, Oxford: ed. Blackwell. BETTENCOURT, ANA M. S. 2000. O vale do Cávado (Norte de Portugal) dos finais do III milénio aos meados do I milénio AC: sequências cronológicoculturais. Pré-História Recente da Península Ibérica: Porto, pp. 79 – 93. BETTENCOURT, ANA M. S. (FORTHCOMING a). Death, memory, identity and power during the bronze age of the northwest of Iberian peninsula. Spaces and places for agency, memory and identity in prehistoric and protohistoric europe,Ana M. S. Bettencourt, M. Jesus Sanches, Lara B. Alves & Rámon Fábregas Valcarce (eds.): Proceedings of the 15th Congress of the International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, Lisbon, September 2006. BETTENCOURT, ANA M. S. (FORTHCOMING b). Estruturas e práticas funerárias do Bronze Inicial e Médio do Noroeste Peninsular, Livro de Homenaje a Maria Dolores Fernandez Posse, J. Sanchez Palencia, Anthony Gilman & Primitiva Bueno (eds.): Bibliotheca Praehistorica Hispana (BPH), CSIC, Madrid. BETTENCOURT, A. M. S., LEMOS, FRANCISCO S. & ARAÚJO, TERESA 2002. The young man of Vale Ferreiro, Fafe (Northern Portugal): an early prehistorical burial. Journal of Iberian Archaeology, 4. Porto. pp. 131 – 151. BETTENCOURT, Ana M. S., RODRIGUES, ALDA, SILVA, ISABEL S., CRUZ, CARLOS S. & DINIS, ANTÓNIO 2005. The ceremonial site of Vale Ferreiro, Fafe, in the context of the bronze age in northwest Portugal. Journal of Iberian Archaeology, 7, pp. 157 – 175. BRADLEY, RICHARD 2000. An archaeology of natural places, London and New York: Ed. Routledge. BRADLEY, RICHARD 2002. Acess, style and imagery: the audience for prehistoric rock art in atlantic Spain and Portugal, 4000-2000 BC. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 21: 3, pp. 231 – 247. BOURDIEU, PIERRE. 1989. O poder simbólico. Lisboa: Ed. Difel. CONNERTON, PAUL. 1989. How Societies Remember. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CRUZ, DOMINGOS 1997. A necrópole do bronze final do “Paranho” (Molelos, Tondela, Viseu. Estudos pré-históricos. 5, p. 85 – 109. FÁBREGAS VALCARCE, RAMON 2001. Los petroglifos y su contexto: un ejemplo de la Galicia meridional. Vigo: Ed. Instituto de Estúdios Vigueses. FORTES, JOSÉ 1906. A sepultura da Quinta da Água Branca (Edade do Cobre). Portugália, 2, pp. 241 - 252. HILL, JEREMY D. 1993. Can we recognize a different European past? A contrastive archaeology of later prehistoric settlements in southern England, Journal of European Archaeology, 1, pp. 57 - 75. JORGE, SUSANA O. 1980. A estação arqueológica do Tapado da Caldeira, Baião. Portugália, nov. série 1, pp. 29 - 50. JORGE, SUSANA. O. 1983. Duas datas de c14 para a sepultura 1 da estação do Tapado da Caldeira (Baião). Arqueologia, 8, pp. 55 - 56. JORGE, VÍTOR. 1980. Escavação da mamoa 1 de Outeiro de Gregos. Serra da Aboboreira, Baião. Portugália, nov. série, 1, pp. 9 - 28. LUENGO Y MARTINEZ, J. M. 1965. Las sepulturas de la Edad del Bronce descubiertas en Carnota. La Voz de Galicia, 21 de Maio, p. 13. SILVA, Eduardo J. & Ana M. L. CUNHA 1986. As gravuras rupestres do Monte da Laje (Valença). Arqueologia, 13, pp. 143 – 158. TABOADA CHIVITE, J. 1971. Notícias arqueológicas de la región del Tâmega (Verín). Cuadernos de Estudios Galegos, 26 (78), pp. 45 - 63. THOMAS, JULIAN. 1996. Time, culture and identity. London and New York: Ed. Routledge. THOMAS, JULIAN. 1999.Understanding the Neolithic, London and New York: Ed. Routledge. TILLEY, CHRISTOPHER. 1994. A phenomenology of landscape, Oxford and Providence: Ed. Berg. VAZQUEZ LIZ, P. 2005. Idade do Bronce: Devesa de Abaixo – Os Torradoiros, Obras públicas e patrimonio: estudos arqueolóxicos do corredor do Morrazo, Felipe Criado Boado & E. Cabrejas Domínguez. (eds.): Traballos de Arqueoloxía e Património, nº 35. pp. 63 – 69. VILLA VALDÉS, ANGEL & CABO PÉREZ, L. 2003. Depósito funerario e recinto fortificado de la edad del bronce en el Castro del Chao Samartín: argumentos para su datación. Trabajos de Prehistoria. 60 (2), p. 143 – 151. Ana M. S. Bettencourt, University Lecturer (Prehistory and Proto-History), History Department, University of Minho, Campus de Gualtar, 4710 – 059 Braga, Portugal. E-mail: anabett@uaum.uminho.pt; bettencourt.ana@gmail.com 104
Chapter 10 Norwegian Face-Urns: Local Context and Interregional Contacts Malin Aasbøe ABSTRACT Face-urns are containers for burnt human bones and are predominantly dated to the Late Bronze Age in Northern Europe. Mainly found in Norway, Denmark, Northern Germany, Poland and Etruria, a few have also been located in Sweden. Though the use of face-urns spans a large area, their distribution shows that they tend to concentrate in specific regions. Despite the relatively high concentrations of face urns in these specific regions, their local distribution, form, and deposition suggest that they have been used for a small percentage of the population. Face-urns from Poland and Etruria have been associated with the aristocracy or an elite. Looking at their form and deposition, Norwegian face-urns show a striking resemblance to face-urns from the Legnica area in Poland. This article examines the local context of the Norwegian face-urns, the connection to the continent, and why a faceurn was chosen as a container for the remains of certain people. Face-urns are defined by Broholm (1933:202) as “... an urn which portrays a human face, parts of a human face (eyes or nose) or parts of a human body (hands or genitals)” (author’s translation). Pots with a more or less stylized human face are known from different prehistoric periods and different European countries. In Denmark pots with faces are known from Neolithic times, and both Denmark and Norway have yielded pots with both stylized and plastic face decor from the Early Roman period. What distinguishes pots with facial features from the Late Bronze Age is that these were made specifically for use as cremation urns, while pots with face decor from other periods were used as grave gifts (Haavaldsen 1985, Lund 1990). In Norway pots with face decor from the Late Bronze Age have not been found in any other context than as cremation urns. There are currently seven known face-urns from southwestern Norway (Haavaldsen 1985:25-33). All were found in the late 19 th century and early 20 th century, but until now they have never been the focus of extensive study. The face-urns date to the Late Bronze Age, and appear contemporary with similar urns found in Denmark and northern Germany, Poland and Italy (Etruria) and one or two examples found in Sweden. In Denmark and the north of Germany about one hundred face-urns have been found (Broholm 1948), approximately 2000 in Poland (Kneisel 2005), and several in Etruria. In Norway, faceurns are known from only two districts (Rogaland and Aust-Agder), while in Denmark and Poland they are spread over a larger area. However, in Denmark there tends to be a concentration to Jylland, and in Poland there is a marked concentration in the Danzig area. In Etruria the face-urns or “canopic urns” are mainly found in the area of Chiusi (Banti 1973, Haynes 2000). The form of the Norwegian face-urns has previously been regarded as primarily influenced by the type extensively found in Denmark. However, in studying and comparing the Norwegian material and pictures of Danish and Polish urns, it became clear that examples from one specific area in Poland more closely share the features found on the Norwegian urns. Those that bear strong similarities to the Norwegian urns were found along the river Oder, in the Legnica area of southern Poland. Looking at the local context of the Norwegian face-urns, it seems that they were used for the burial of the cremated remains of individuals with a specific function in Late Bronze Age society. They all have individual features, and are stylized in a manner that seems to portray the individual in an idealized way. Italian face-urns of this period are generally associated with the aristocracy or an elite. A sherd of a face-urn bearing a striking resemblance to the Italian form has been found in Norway. This article proposes the theory that the Norwegian face-urns were used by and for individuals with interregional contacts. The face-urns represent an everlasting idealized body for persons of importance and/or status in the local community. They may also be regarded as living ancestors in accordance with Helms’ theories about the importance of long distance contacts and the knowledge about what lies beyond the known world. Dating The dating of these urns has been debated for a long period, both in connection to the “cultural archaeology” and later in connection with the center-periphery model (Broholm 1948:162pp; Haavaldsen 1985:28p, Johansen 1986:84, Oestigaard 1999:345-364). 105
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The Materiality of Death Bodies, bu
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Contents Chapter 1. The Materiality
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Fig. 1. Pieter Bruegel, The Triumph
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ather one has to emphasise the mate
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dead are often regarded as unfriend
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Fig 3. The old man Tei Tetuna by hi
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The Materiality of Social Change: H
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The Materiality of Eternity - The A
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FAHLANDER, F. & OESTIGAARD, T. 2004
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Susanne Kuechler-Fogden, Webb Keane
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Chapter 2 More than Metaphor: Appro
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discuss death and the treatment of
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had to deal with. This is not to sa
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hide that could be removed to expos
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pp111-123. Philadelphia: University
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Chapter 3 A Piece of the Mesolithic
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The main point is that the division
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A Piece of the Mesolithic: Skatehol
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question we need to construct some
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Fig. 4. Skateholm I (above) and Ska
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visible many years after the origin
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Phase Area Properties Interpretatio
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phase of one site with a contempora
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MILNER, N. & WOODMAN, P. 2005. Meso
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with dead people belonging to other
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Fig. 2. Due to the extraordinaire c
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As with all cremations in Hinduism,
Page 58 and 59: Based on the amount of scattered bo
Page 60 and 61: To have an ethical approach involve
Page 63 and 64: Chapter 5 From Corpse to Ancestor:
Page 65 and 66: Figure 2. Isola Sacra, Tomb 100. Ph
Page 67 and 68: Figure 4. Isola Sacra, Tomb 87. Pho
Page 73: 69 Burials
Page 76 and 77: through careful recording of the or
Page 78 and 79: Figure 4: Pencraig Hill: Distributi
Page 80 and 81: focussed on use of partial sets of
Page 83 and 84: Chapter 7 Ritual and Remembrance at
Page 85 and 86: urial (tomba a doppio loculo tipo M
Page 87 and 88: ‘original’ walls of the tomb. L
Page 89 and 90: chambers cut into two earlier trenc
Page 91: Madison: Prehistory Press, Monograp
Page 94 and 95: Well-organized cemeteries or messy
Page 96 and 97: influenced who was buried inside th
Page 98 and 99: it was quite short, which could ind
Page 100 and 101: References ARTELIUS, TORE 2004. Min
Page 103 and 104: Chapter 9 Life and Death in the Bro
Page 105 and 106: Fig. 5.1. Cremation necropolis at P
Page 107: place. These burials were very simp
Page 111 and 112: The recurring themes in the debate
Page 113 and 114: The local context of the Norwegian
Page 115 and 116: Death is the inevitable conclusion
Page 117 and 118: OESTIGAARD, T. 1999. Cremations as
Page 119 and 120: Chapter 11 The Use of Ochre in Ston
Page 121 and 122: Ochre was used so intensively that
Page 123 and 124: Fig. 5. Zvejnieki burial ground. Th
Page 125 and 126: grave has been dated to 5690±45 BP
Page 127 and 128: Khanty of northern Siberia, the col
Page 129 and 130: 125 Beliefs
Page 131 and 132: Chapter 12 ”Death Myths”: Perfo
Page 133 and 134: Variation within the same cist Bø,
Page 135 and 136: Variation within the same mound Lyd
Page 137 and 138: Figures 6 and 7. Modvo, Luster muni
Page 139 and 140: To what extent there have been corr
Page 141 and 142: when they die, a probable explanati
Page 143 and 144: fragmented spindles, iron weaving s
Page 145 and 146: Chapter 13 Reproduction and Relocat
Page 147 and 148: may be questioned, and analysed mor
Page 149 and 150: References Andersson, G. 1997: A st
Page 151 and 152: Chapter 14 A Road for the Viking’
Page 153 and 154: Figure 2. The Jarlabanke Bridge tha
Page 155 and 156: Chapter 15 A Road to the Other Side
Page 157 and 158: Fig. 4. Clearing the bridge on an e
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Chapter 16 Stones and Bones: The My
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Fig. 4. An Iron Age scene at Sylta
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Fig. 7. The resemblance between cru
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