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'0 GOVERNMENT IN ZAZZAU<br />

transfonn it into authority. This summarizes the history of the<br />

Briti5h monarchy. Similarly, to the extent that the scope and<br />

nature of authority is incompletely or imprecisely defined, or is<br />

extended beyond its defined limits, power is exercised, and the<br />

structure or office concerned has political characteristics and<br />

significance. This proposition in turn summarizes the development<br />

of the British Parliament. Just as there can be no such thing as<br />

uncons'tituted authority, 80 there can be no such thing as an exhaU8tive<br />

constitution of power.<br />

(fJ The Problem ofForce<br />

Power has been defined as the ability to act effectively on persons<br />

orthings, authority as a delegated and limited right to do so. Force<br />

differs from powerand authority which are bothabstract conditions<br />

and capacities in the concreteness of its reference. Force denotes<br />

physical effort or strength, and in the 8Qciological context, human,<br />

especially masculine, strength. The abstract use of this term, force,<br />

is a reification of this physical capacity to inflict physical harm.<br />

The concrete use of the terms authority and power is an instance<br />

of the opposite sort of reification.<br />

Authority and power may both be associated with the control or<br />

application of force, but these relations win di:fferentiate authority<br />

and power, and in any society, their associations with force will<br />

differ by degrees and contexts and possibly also by organs or types<br />

offorce. Thus force is in part legally constituted and administered,<br />

but never entirely so. In its legally constituted form, force is applied<br />

within the society through the agency of administration to<br />

provide the population with certain essential conditions of physical<br />

security, to prevent the use ofviolence in political competition, and<br />

to protect the unit from external attack. Under regimes characterized<br />

by overlapping political and administrative systems, force may<br />

also be applied authoritatively by political leaders to eliminate their<br />

rivals and disperse opposition. Normally, however, such use of<br />

force is more or less political, and its authorization in terms ofthe<br />

prevailing conceptions of legitimacy depends largely on the extent<br />

to which identification of political and administrative functions<br />

has been accepted as itself legitimate. In its external aspect and<br />

application, as in war, the administration of force proceeds under<br />

authority, while decisions to employ it are political in content and<br />

form. In tenns of its source, therefore, the force used in war is<br />

THE NATURE OF GOVERNMENT 31<br />

normally constitutional, although in terms of its target it is<br />

normally illegitimate.<br />

To regard force as the source of power is to reverse the order of<br />

their relation. Power, defined as the capacity to act effectively on<br />

persons or things, has many components or forms of expression,<br />

and force is one of these. In the abstract, force is the capacity to<br />

in:llict harm, and for its exercise clearly presupposes the power to<br />

ACCumulate, co-ordinate, and direct supportj less abstractly, force<br />

is the manifest infliction of haem, and as such is a concrete demonstration<br />

of the power which it presupposes. The crucial feature of<br />

centralized administrative systems is never the simple concentration<br />

of force within them, but their monopoly of constitutional<br />

force; this is in essence a monopoly of the rights to authorize the<br />

use of force and to restrain its use by others through the employment<br />

ofa greater concentration of legitimate force. This monopoly<br />

ofauthorized force in twn depends on public consensus about the<br />

legitimacy of the governmental system. In other words, it is not the<br />

means of exercising force as such which fonos the direct content<br />

of the monopoly held by centralized systems of government, but<br />

the right to control and employ force within the unit concerned.<br />

The degree and character of the centralization ofan administrative<br />

system corresponds therefore to the consensus prevailing about<br />

its monopoly rights to control force within the area, and these<br />

rights express its authority. Thus the term 'centralization' properly<br />

Iefers to the administrative aspect of a governmental system or<br />

structure. since governmental action defined in tenos of authority<br />

is administrative in character and foem. Consequently in central~<br />

ized systems rules define the conditions under which force may be<br />

legitimately employed, and particular branches of administration,<br />

suchasthejudiciary, police, army, intelligencesenrice, etc., are more<br />

orless concerned with the applicati.on and administration of force.<br />

Since force is the ultimate expression of power in conflict,<br />

supremacy of power implies supremacy offorce, and is thus locally<br />

uncontrollable. FOT this reason, no set of rules can perpetually<br />

guarantee, control, or define the exercise of supreme power. The<br />

incalculability of such power ultimately corresponds to its freedom<br />

to exercise force outside ofthe strictly authorized framework. Such<br />

possibilities are inherent in all political systems and therefore in all<br />

governments, since the political components of government are<br />

relations based on, expressed, and mediated intermsof power, and

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