e - CIFAS

80 GOVERNMENT IN ZAZZAU GOVERNMENT IN FULANI ZAZZAU, 1865 8l
2. SOCIETY IN FULANI ZARIA
The population of Fulani Zaria in the last century was partly
slave, partly free. The slaves included captives. few ofwhom were
Muhammadan, butthose born into slavery were reared as Muhammadans.
Free members ofthe society were either freedmen or born
free. Eunuchs must also he distinguished from the slave and the
free, although they suffered many of the legal disabilities of slaves
in Fulani Zaria.
The free population of Fulam Zaria were divided firstly by
religion into Muhammadan and non-Muhammadan groups. Most
of the non-Muhammadans were tribesmen living to the south and
west of the state, and slaves were regularly drawn from these
populations by raids or tribute. Excluding these non-Hauaaspeaking
'pagans', the principal division among the free Muhammadan
population of Zaria was between the Fulani and the Babe,
the conquerors and the conquered. The conquest reflected this
ethnic differentiation and initiated new relations ofsuperordination
and subordination which were established in the process of consolidation.
(a) Rank and Li'lUUlge among the Fulani
The Fulani of Zaria were divided into Settled and Nomadic
groups. The Settled Fulani ruled the state, intermarrying with
their Nomadic cousins, who also assisted occasionally in raids and
war. The Settled Fulani were internally divided into a number of
lineages, and these were strati6ed according to their position within
the system of government. There were four dynasties at Fulani
Zaria, the Mallawa, Bornawa, Katsinawa, and Suleibawa. Of these
the 6rst three were the most important politically, and had the
largest membership. In addition, there were a nwnber of other
aristocratic Fulani patrilineages, such as the Katsinawa 'Yan Doto,
the 'Van Doto of Gusau, the Fulanin Wunti, Fulanin Yesqua,
Fulanin JoIi, Fulanin Gadidi, and the Fulani of Dan Durori; certain
other patrilineages such as the Fulanin Bebeji, or the Fulanin
Shanooo were of Kano origin; the Toronkawa Fulani were
descended from Waziri Gidado of Sokoto by the daughter of M.
Musa, the baMalle conqueror; and there were also Fulani from
various parts of Katsina such as Damfa, the Dokaje, and others.
The aristocratic status enjoyed by these Iineages was related to
their political roles in two ways. Aristocratic status qualified them
for political roles and office. It was further established through
and enforced by participation in government. This list of noble
Fulani lineages reflects in part the heterogeneous composition of
the Fulani force which invaded Zaria under Musa; but it also includes
some Fulani who were already settled in Zaria at that date.
The status of the ruling lineages was superior to that of other
Fulani in Zaria. Members ofthese dynasties were royals by birth.
Their male members were each a yerima (prince), their females, a
gimbiya (princess). Such persons paid no land-tax (kurdin kasal,
and were also exempt from other annual taxation under the rule of
hurumi, or perpetual exemption, a right which vested in these
dynasties by virtue of their royal status.
The other aristocratic Fulani lineages of Zaria were also·internally
differentiated through their competition for political office.
Successful lineages tended to have higher status and greater wealth
than their less successful competitors. Such differentiation was itself
a ground for the allocation of office, while the allocation of
office further increased these differences. Office provided its
holders with opportunities for the accumulation of wealth, booty,
and slaves, and slaves were the main sources of farm labour. An
owner having sufficient slaves utIually established his own settlement.
This was called a rinji (slave-village or hamlet, pI. rumada;
alternatives keffi,1 tunga). The number and size of the rumada
which a person or family controlled was evidence of the owner's
wealth and power. Merchants and many other non-officials had
slaves, but permission was necessary in order to build separate
settlements for TUNlOda, and this was generally given only to the
nobility. In Zaria, the majority of the larger rumada belonged to
one or other of the dynasties. These rumada were the principal
fonDS of capital investment in Zaria, and thus political status was
closely related to the distribution of wealth; conversely, the distribution
of wealth was related to the distribution of political office.
The relations between noble status, political office, and wealth
tended to be circular, in the sense that each of these factors reinforced
the other. However, this circle was neither closed nor
complete for the following reasons.
Firstly, conunoners were never completely excluded from
1 The southern vaesaJ. state called by this name was often regarded as a IIlave
reserve.