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,. GOVERNMENT IN ZAZZAU GOVERNMENT IN NINETEENTH_CENTURY AHUJA 53<br />

society, and in their hierarchies and relations they mirror the<br />

composition and values of the wider unit.<br />

(c) Social Status and the Official Sysum<br />

In view ofthis, it is necessary to consider the nature ofthe basic<br />

status differences and conditions current in Habe society. Apart<br />

from the king, his family, and other members ofthe royal lineage,<br />

there were hereditary vassal chiefs, and freemen who were divisible<br />

into officials, aristocrats not holding office, mallams or religious<br />

leaders, manumitted slaves, and freeborn commoners. The society<br />

also containedslaves and eunuchs, together with subordinate pagan<br />

populations which were culturally and linguistically distinct. Of<br />

the major status-groups, the category of free persons showed the<br />

highest degree of internal differentiation. Thus, to consider only<br />

office-holders, among free persons, the Sarkin Gayen, a former<br />

Habe village chief, was noble by descent as well as office, while<br />

all others. although holding important titles such as Madawaki<br />

or Sarkin Fada, might have risen from the commoner class<br />

(talakawa). The religious order ofmallams,. who were all freemen,<br />

embodied another principle of differentiation within the statusgroup<br />

of free persons. Moreover, as M. Hassan's ethnography of<br />

Abuja indicates, occupational differences had Significant status<br />

implications for the free commoners. Butchers, for example, were<br />

accorded very low status.<br />

These statuses differ significantly according to their social implications,<br />

mutability, and modes of differentiation. Thus slavery<br />

was a legal status, terminable for both sexes by manumission,<br />

purchase of freedom, or death, and also, for females, by bearing a<br />

child for their master as his concubine. Freedom was also a mutable<br />

legal status, since capture normally led to death or enslavement<br />

in another society. In contrast, the status ofeunuch was immutable,<br />

wherever the individual might be, and irrespective of<br />

captivity. The eunuch's condition rendered the question of his<br />

freedom or slavery meaningless, since he was unable to marry or<br />

beget issue, and so had no family to succeed or inherit from him.<br />

The eunuch's dependence on his master was thus variable, according<br />

to the facilities which he enjoyed.<br />

Among free officials also, it seems clear that very few titles were<br />

held on a life-tenure basis, while none were hereditary, except for<br />

the royal offices, the vassal chieftainships and the title of Sarkin<br />

Gayen. Officials were in theory subject to dismissal as well as<br />

promotion after their appointments. There were also occasions on<br />

whi.ch persons ?f. a particular status exercised rights and powers<br />

typIcally the prlVllege of other statuses. Thus the religious order<br />

of mallama, which enjoyed high prestige as a non-political group,<br />

was charged with the political function of selecting the successor<br />

to the throne.<br />

Within the royal lineage, and even within the king's family<br />

individual status remained alterable through death and succession:<br />

and varied according to the specific relation holding between the<br />

king and different persons. Significantly, the Dan Galadima orheir<br />

apparent rarely succeeded to the throne; and the administrative<br />

n:spons~ilities or authority of the various royal officials further<br />

differentiated between them; thus neither theheir presumptive nor<br />

the Magajin Dangi (head of the----royal?-lineage) are reported to<br />

have controlled fiefs, although the king's eldest daughter. the<br />

Sarauniya, is said to have done so. Whether this reflects an<br />

omissionin the aCCOunt or corresponds to the original allocation of<br />

duties cannot be said.<br />

. The precise definitions of rank-orders, their peculiar compositIO~,<br />

interrelations, hierarchic structure and arrangement in a<br />

,:anety o~ closed promotional series gain new significance by relation<br />

to this background ofsocial differentiation. Only by some such<br />

system of precise and predictable relations was it possible to<br />

_ organize the participation of persons of such varied statuses<br />

_ smoothly and continuously within the system of government; and<br />

only through the participation of persons ofthese different Status­<br />

, groups could the personnel of government sufficiently reflect the<br />

differentiation of the society, to evoke popular consensus and support,<br />

The differentiation of official roles within the government,.<br />

and the p~lar allocatioJLS of office to different status-groups<br />

,were functIonally related, and between them ensured that the<br />

; social composition and structure of government corresponded to<br />

that of the society.<br />

Allocation of three out of the four rukuni offices to eunuchs is<br />

noteworthy in two respects. Firstly eunuchs were the only group<br />

, \Vhose status was immutable. Secondly such allocations served to<br />

. protect the system of government against change. These two fea­<br />

"ttues are closely related. As eunuchs, such high officials could not<br />

"entertain personal ambitions ofa type inconsistent with the current<br />

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