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56 GOVERNMENT IN ZAZZAU<br />

staff, and in consequence of this they lacked internal or external<br />

segmentary relations.<br />

Our data indicate the existence of two other specialized ad~<br />

ministrative ordersj firstly, the king's slaves, among whom were<br />

groups distinguished in terms of military, civil, and police duties;<br />

and secondly, the religious order of mallams, who officiated at<br />

rituals andwho advised technically onthe contentandapplication of<br />

Mubammadan law. Significantly also, both these orders. the mallams<br />

and the slaves. lacked any internal eegmentation or external<br />

contraposition with other groups, and were distinguished by<br />

particular lines of communication with the king. Thus the king<br />

communicated with each mallam individually through his chamber<br />

eunuchs, while the supervision of military and civil groups of<br />

slaves was carried out for the Madawaki by the Sata, himself a<br />

promoted slave, and for the Sarkin Fada, by the Hauni, with<br />

consequent political neutralization of this order, while the police<br />

and town-guard were separately controlled by the Gaiadima.<br />

Positively, in the specification of their duties and in the allocation<br />

of means and authority for their execution, and negatively, by<br />

their exclusion from the processes of policy formation, these two<br />

orders, the slaves and the mallams, and the various offices which<br />

separately constitute them, exhibit a purely administrative<br />

character. Their exclusion from the system of political action is<br />

evident in two ways: firsdy, by the incompatibility of their roles<br />

with political office, from which the slaves and the mallams were<br />

by definition excluded 80long as theyremainedslaves andmallarns;<br />

secondly, by their insulation from political influence and appoint~<br />

ments due to the status requisites applying in either case. Further~<br />

more, as pointed out above, these orders exhibit no internal or<br />

external segmentary relations. Thus. although the order of slave~<br />

officials was internally divided into functional groups, none of these<br />

divisions had a head or hierarchic internal organization.<br />

The order of mallams is of special interest, as it furnished the<br />

majority ofthe electoral council entrusted with the selection ofthe<br />

king's successor. This function might suggest that this order had a<br />

political character; but on this point, fortunately, the data are very<br />

clear. Together with the Madawaki and the senior eunu~<br />

Galadima, three malLams were authorized and required to select<br />

the new king; but, unlike the two public ofiiciaIs with whom they<br />

were associated, after deciding the succession, the authority and<br />

GOVERNMENT IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY ABUJA 57<br />

responsibility of theee malLatn8 was exhausted, and they retired<br />

from the political scene, back to their religious duties. It is thus<br />

quite clear that the electoral malJams, though authorized to select<br />

the ruler, were otherwise excluded from the policy-making process,<br />

and that in selecting the ruler they were held to be carrying<br />

out an authorized, that is, an administrative task. This indeed explains<br />

their presence as the majority group on the electoral council.<br />

Mallams were given numerical dominance on this council in order<br />

to out-vote its purely political elementj to minimize the threat<br />

which succession presented to the continuity of the system; by<br />

their religious prestige, to legitimize the new ruler's appointment;<br />

to frustrate the nomination of persons whose incapacity for the<br />

throne would give their political nominators opportunities for the<br />

improper exercise and appropriation of power; and to select the<br />

most suitable candidate with the minimum of political bargaining.<br />

(i') TIw Nature of Office<br />

An analysis of the segmentary aspects of the Ahuja government<br />

directs attention to the nature of the units of the system. These<br />

units are offices, which were defined as perpetual and exclusive<br />

statuses in a system consisting of such statuses and their inter~<br />

relations. In the definition of any particular office, or of office<br />

generally, the relations between each unit and other members of<br />

the system forms a very important part. The position of an office<br />

within the system really consists in its relations to other parts of<br />

the system. But this does not fully describe the office, nor exhaust<br />

its meaning. Offices were differentiated politically and administratively,<br />

as we have just seenj and those different types of office had<br />

different types of relation with the society at large. Although the<br />

functions of office were governmental, these functions were not<br />

entirely confined to the system ofoffices. itself, and their execution<br />

brought offices of this system into contact with the society at<br />

large.<br />

The offices of a governmental system and their interrelations together<br />

fonn its structure, while the activities of these units<br />

constitute its function. We can therefore distinguish between the<br />

structure of the syStem of government on the one hand, and the<br />

functions of the system or its constituent offices on the other. We<br />

must also distinguish between administrative relations by which<br />

government controls the society and conducts its affairs, and

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