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The role and impact of <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> in developing countries: a rigorous review of the evidence<br />
government primary graduates benefit from government secondary schooling. She also<br />
explains that the government secondary <strong>schools</strong> tend to have more stringent admission<br />
requirements than the <strong>private</strong> secondary <strong>schools</strong>, and that the latter (in contrast to the<br />
primary sector) tend to have low status.<br />
Important caveats<br />
Comparing the effectiveness of ‘<strong>private</strong>’ with government <strong>schools</strong> in developing countries<br />
is problematic because a potentially very large proportion of <strong>schools</strong> are<br />
unregistered/unaided and therefore typically missing from the analysis (Tooley et al.<br />
2011). If, as some studies have demonstrated, there is a difference between the<br />
performance of children in aided versus unaided 8 <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> (Kingdon 2008), then<br />
research that does not differentiate between them risks misrepresenting the ‘true’ <strong>private</strong><br />
school effect. There is also variation in the degree to which empirical studies address the<br />
recognised methodological puzzle of accounting for unobserved/unmeasurable<br />
differences in the socio-economic backgrounds of <strong>private</strong> and public school pupils. These<br />
unobservables, which include home educational environment, or the degree to which<br />
parents are educationally motivated, affect academic performance but cannot be easily<br />
adjusted for in a statistical study. If they are not taken into account, however, then the<br />
<strong>private</strong> school advantage is likely to be over-estimated and while many may not be able to<br />
address the puzzle given data and methodological limitations, most studies do recognise<br />
it; some even address it reasonably convincingly through methods such as family fixed<br />
effects (Desai et al. 2008), panel data approaches (French and Kingdon 2010) and<br />
randomised controlled trials (RCTs) (Angrist et al. 2002, 2006). Another major caveat is<br />
that the debate about the relative quality of education should not detract from the fact<br />
that overall learning levels of children in rural areas in many countries remain<br />
worryingly low, whether at <strong>private</strong> or public <strong>schools</strong>. As the latest ASER <strong>report</strong> from<br />
Pakistan acknowledges, the <strong>private</strong> school effect is often calculated relative to incredibly<br />
low achievement levels in state <strong>schools</strong>, which ultimately questions the real measure of<br />
the advantage for children attending them (ASER Pakistan 2014).<br />
Notwithstanding the above caveats, the majority of the evidence reviewed here<br />
supports the assumption that children attending <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> do achieve better<br />
learning outcomes than their government counterparts, albeit to differing degrees, and<br />
with some significant exceptions. Importantly, however, the size of this advantage is<br />
sometimes small, always declines when unobservable and selection effects are controlled<br />
for, varies between countries, within them (between urban and rural areas), and between<br />
learning outcomes (e.g. numeracy, literacy) within <strong>schools</strong>. Additionally, it is widely<br />
recognised that while quantitative studies drawing on survey data can show correlation<br />
between school type and outcomes, they typically cannot explain the causal processes<br />
underlying the observed correlations.<br />
8 Private aided <strong>schools</strong> receive grants from the government whereas unaided <strong>schools</strong> are entirely<br />
self-financed (Kingdon 1996).<br />
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