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Appendix 3: Hypotheses (H) and counter hypotheses (CH)<br />

The following tables set out the key hypotheses of the review alongside the counter<br />

hypotheses and, underneath, the assumptions and counter assumptions that underpin<br />

them.<br />

Supply<br />

H1: Private <strong>schools</strong> are better quality<br />

than state <strong>schools</strong><br />

• Teaching in <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> is better than in state<br />

<strong>schools</strong>.<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> are better resourced than state<br />

<strong>schools</strong>.<br />

• Students achieve better educational outcomes in<br />

<strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong>.<br />

CH1: Private <strong>schools</strong> are not better quality<br />

than state <strong>schools</strong><br />

• Curriculums used by <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> may be<br />

unregulated and of low standard, not permitting<br />

transfer to secondary or tertiary sectors.<br />

• Private school teachers may be inexperienced,<br />

unqualified, and poorly paid thereby limiting the<br />

quality of teaching and learning.<br />

H2: Private <strong>schools</strong> provide education to<br />

disadvantaged children<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> geographically reach the poorest.<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> are equally accessed by girls and<br />

boys.<br />

CH3: Private <strong>schools</strong> do not provide<br />

education to disadvantaged children<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> do not reach the poorest, or fill the<br />

gaps in geographical coverage of state provision.<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> cluster in urban areas and cities<br />

where the market is more viable than in rural areas –<br />

i.e. they ‘follow the money’.<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> may be accessible to girls and boys<br />

but household decisions may influence whether<br />

attendance is equal.<br />

H3: Private <strong>schools</strong> are cost-effective<br />

and financially sustainable<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> are (more) cost-effective (than<br />

state <strong>schools</strong>) partly because overheads are low.<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> are financially stable. Fee<br />

collection, even from the poorest, is a sustainable<br />

financial model for <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong>.<br />

CH2: Private <strong>schools</strong> are not cost-effective<br />

and financially sustainable<br />

• Fee-paying <strong>schools</strong> operate for profit. If they are<br />

‘viable’ it is at the cost of teachers who earn low<br />

salaries.<br />

Demand<br />

H4: Private <strong>schools</strong> are affordable to the<br />

poor and the poorest<br />

• The poor and poorest are able to pay <strong>private</strong> school<br />

fees.<br />

• Private <strong>schools</strong> are no more expensive (or no less<br />

affordable) than state <strong>schools</strong> (which often have<br />

implicit costs, e.g. uniform, transport, food,<br />

textbooks, exam fees).<br />

• Those in the poorest quintile are willing and able to<br />

pay for <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong>.<br />

CH4: Private <strong>schools</strong> are not affordable to<br />

the poor and the poorest<br />

• The costs of fees and desire for <strong>private</strong> schooling<br />

may reduce the money available to the household to<br />

invest in other beneficial activities. Where parents<br />

cannot judge education quality this may lead to<br />

inefficient investment (and potentially risky<br />

borrowing and exploitation by money lenders) and so<br />

poorer welfare outcomes.<br />

• The cost of fees may lead to a redistribution of<br />

resources and inequity within households. Money may<br />

be taken from less favoured or female children to<br />

send the favoured or male children to <strong>private</strong> school.<br />

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