private-schools-full-report
private-schools-full-report
private-schools-full-report
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1. Introduction<br />
<strong>schools</strong> or whether profits were made. Therefore we are not always able to talk about<br />
‘low-fee’ <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> or ‘for-profit’ <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> with certainty. However, it was<br />
clear that the studies included in the review were focusing on non-elite <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong>.<br />
The motivation for operating <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> (e.g. values, profit/non-profit, income,<br />
influence) was not used as a defining parameter in the review as this is an intangible<br />
descriptor that is complicated by the fact that school owners of any description may<br />
express their motivations as a combination of competing commitments to philanthropy,<br />
corporate social responsibility and business interests (see, for example, Ball 2007 and<br />
Srivastava 2007).<br />
This rigorous review did not include studies that did not explicitly define their focus as<br />
<strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong>. It is intended that other non-state <strong>schools</strong>, such as <strong>schools</strong> run by<br />
charities, NGOs or religious organisations, will be the focus of a second rigorous review,<br />
and a further <strong>report</strong> will follow that will present a synthesis of the findings of the two<br />
reviews.<br />
1.3 Emergence of the debate on <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> for the poor<br />
Evidence on the mushrooming of LFPs in developing countries started to emerge from the<br />
late 1990s (for example, Kitaev 1999; Kingdon 1996; Latham 2002; Probe Team 1999;<br />
Tooley 1999; Tooley and Dixon 2003). From the outset, there has been strongly divided<br />
opinion on the relevance and appropriateness of these <strong>schools</strong> to the aims of Education for<br />
All. From one perspective, concerns were raised as to whether states alone would be able<br />
to meet the primary school targets under the Millennium Development Goals given the<br />
pressure they placed on public finances (International Finance Corporation 2002; World<br />
Bank 2002). The expansion of education as a result of the abolition of fees in government<br />
<strong>schools</strong> was also seen as detrimental to the quality of education, affecting the education<br />
chances of the poor. LFPs were, therefore, seen as a way of reaching more children with<br />
better quality education, while also benefiting from the <strong>private</strong> sector’s ability to reduce<br />
costs (Tooley and Dixon 2003).<br />
From another perspective, some analysts raised concerns surrounding the appropriateness<br />
of the involvement of the <strong>private</strong> sector in the provision of education (Colclough 1996,<br />
1997), particularly if subsidised by the state or donors. Some deemed it as being in<br />
conflict with the recognition of education as a human right which meant that the state<br />
should maintain the responsibility for education delivery. From this perspective, with the<br />
majority of the poorest and most vulnerable remaining in government <strong>schools</strong>, the policy<br />
priority should be on reforming these <strong>schools</strong> to ensure that children attending them<br />
receive quality education (EFA Global Monitoring Report 2009, 2013). Non-state actors<br />
might be engaged as partners with the state, rather than as wholly separate providers<br />
(Dyer and Rose 2005; EFA 1990, 2000; Rose 2006).<br />
Well into the 2000s fee-dependent <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> remained ‘off radar’ to donors even<br />
though they were claimed to be significant providers of education for the poor (Bangay<br />
2007). Over the past five years (the period of this review) there has been a surge of<br />
research and policy interest in <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> educating disadvantaged children in<br />
developing countries. This heightened interest may be partly a result of the polarised<br />
debates referred to above which have become increasingly public (Privatisation in<br />
Education Research Initiative, PERI; Oxfam blogs; All-Party Parliamentary Group, APPG).<br />
Second, fiscal austerity and the changing perspectives of some governments and donor<br />
agencies have led them to search for new ways of meeting education goals, for example<br />
through voucher programmes or subsidies to <strong>private</strong> <strong>schools</strong> (see, for example, the Human<br />
Development Resource Centre, HDRC, <strong>report</strong> on Private Sector Development:<br />
HDRC/DFID/UKAID 2013; and Morgan et al. 2013). A third reason for the heightened<br />
interest is that research-based evidence has itself gained increasing policy attention. The<br />
current review scrutinises the strength of this evidence.<br />
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