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102 Gramsci <strong>is</strong> DeadHe <strong>is</strong> in fact accusing the Utopian social<strong>is</strong>ts of not being adequatelyrevolutionary, a charge which <strong>is</strong> difficult to refute since Saint-Simon, like Godwin, clearly w<strong>is</strong>hed to be seen as a reform<strong>is</strong>t. ‘Farfrom advocating insurrection and revolt,’ he proclaimed, ‘we areputting forward the only way to prevent the acts of violence whichthreaten society’ (Saint-Simon 1976/1823–26: 185). He believed that‘the leading industrial<strong>is</strong>ts’ should take control of the admin<strong>is</strong>trationof public wealth, but only by peaceful means. Indeed, although hebequeathed to marx<strong>is</strong>ts and anarch<strong>is</strong>ts alike the notion of governmentas the admin<strong>is</strong>tration of things rather than of people, and <strong>is</strong> oftencited as one of the first proponents of a stateless society, h<strong>is</strong> v<strong>is</strong>ionwas hardly social<strong>is</strong>t at all. It was if anything libertarian, or what wewould to<strong>day</strong> have to see as neoliberal, in character. ‘What the nationwants principally <strong>is</strong> to be governed as cheaply as possible’ (184) hedeclared again and again, looking forward to a <strong>day</strong> when the functionof government would be restricted to ‘preventing the d<strong>is</strong>ruptionof useful work’ (105). Would Pinkerton cops and Plan Colombiabe going too far in th<strong>is</strong> quest, or just far enough? Saint-Simon alsoargued that during the French Revolution it was ‘the industrial<strong>is</strong>ts’who suffered the most, since they ‘twice lost their capital’ (127)!From any number of textual indications of th<strong>is</strong> sort, it seems clearthat h<strong>is</strong> conception of ‘the industrial class’ did not adequatelydifferentiate between bourgeo<strong>is</strong>ie and proletariat, and that thosewhom he expected to lead the coming reform were the owners, notthe workers. 2 Although they were more critical of capital<strong>is</strong>m and itsagents, Owen and Fourier also believed that the new age could onlybe ushered in by peaceful means. Owen ins<strong>is</strong>ted that revolutionarieswere ‘irrational’ (1973/1849: xxiii) and Fourier assured h<strong>is</strong> readersthat the coming of Harmony would ‘in now<strong>is</strong>e d<strong>is</strong>turb the establ<strong>is</strong>hedorder’ (1971a: 66). Therefore, it has to be acknowledged that Engelswas correct in asserting that these writers were not interested inemancipating a particular class by violent means.What about the charge that the Utopian social<strong>is</strong>ts fool<strong>is</strong>hly set outto address all of humanity at once? Engels’ tone here <strong>is</strong>, of course,character<strong>is</strong>tically mocking, and he <strong>is</strong> referring primarily to thelack of what he would have seen as an appropriately dichotomousclass analys<strong>is</strong>, coupled with an ignorance of specific conditions indifferent countries. But h<strong>is</strong> remark can also be taken quite literally.Fourier believed that once people saw how well h<strong>is</strong> system worked,it would ‘spread suddenly and spontaneously over the whole of thehuman race’ (1971a: 50). For Harmony, as the only mode of social

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