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Introduction 17<strong>is</strong> what it means to work via a micropolitics, a politics of minorityrather than majority, of affinity rather than hegemony; a politics thatremains political despite its rejection of the fundamental assumptionsof (neo)liberal and (post)marx<strong>is</strong>t theories of social change. D<strong>is</strong>persingand realizing th<strong>is</strong> politics, however, <strong>is</strong> a non-trivial problem. Veryinteresting and important steps have been taken in th<strong>is</strong> directionby postanarch<strong>is</strong>m and autonom<strong>is</strong>t marx<strong>is</strong>m, each of which has itsstrengths and weaknesses. The non-lenin<strong>is</strong>t strains of autonom<strong>is</strong>tmarx<strong>is</strong>m provide a compelling analys<strong>is</strong> of the postmodern societiesof d<strong>is</strong>cipline and control, and pick up on the anarch<strong>is</strong>t critique ofhierarchical modes of organization such as the revolutionary stateand party. Yet they often d<strong>is</strong>play a tendency towards a hegemonictotalization of the field of struggle, which appears most prominentlyin their conception of ‘the multitude’ as a singular entity organizedaround class struggle. Postanarch<strong>is</strong>m has done better at escaping thehegemony of hegemony, but at the cost of an excessive reliance upona ‘nomadic’ conception of subjectivity that appears to reject not onlycoercive morality, but affinity-based ethico-political commitmentsas well. As the complement of both the (post)marx<strong>is</strong>t/(neo)liberalcitizen and the postanarch<strong>is</strong>t nomad, I suggest that the figure ofthe smith, as theorized by Deleuze and Guattari and as exemplifiedin the practices of the newest social movements, offers the greatestpotential for community-based, radical social change in the twentyfirstcentury.If th<strong>is</strong> potential <strong>is</strong> to be realized we will need not only newways of thinking about ourselves, but also about the communitiesin which we live. Th<strong>is</strong> <strong>is</strong> the task of Chapter 6, which addressesanother common m<strong>is</strong>reading of poststructural<strong>is</strong>t theory, namely thatit proceeds without any reference to shared understandings of socialworlds. Just as the poststructural<strong>is</strong>t rejection of coercive morality hasbeen read as a rejection of ethics and politics, here the rejection ofhegemonic conceptions of community <strong>is</strong> m<strong>is</strong>taken for a rejection ofcommunity as such. Th<strong>is</strong> d<strong>is</strong>tinction <strong>is</strong> highlighted by a d<strong>is</strong>cussion ofwhat Giorgio Agamben calls the coming community, which begins tobreak with the Hegelian legacy of state-based conceptions of groupidentity. Like the autonom<strong>is</strong>t marx<strong>is</strong>ts with whom he <strong>is</strong> associated,however, Agamben’s work suffers from a tendency to envelopsingularity in the single—that <strong>is</strong>, despite h<strong>is</strong> obvious commitment tomultiplicity, he theorizes the coming community in a monolithic way.I suggest that we need to think instead of the coming communities,in the plural, but not in the form of liberal plural<strong>is</strong>m, and that we

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