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158 Gramsci <strong>is</strong> Deadtheory and practice. Perhaps most d<strong>is</strong>concerting <strong>is</strong> the fact thatHolloway flees from the task that he has set for himself, that <strong>is</strong>, tofigure out how to change the world without taking power. We areh<strong>is</strong>torically lost, he says. ‘We do not know’ (215).Nick Dyer-Witheford, a Canadian autonom<strong>is</strong>t theor<strong>is</strong>t, shows that‘we’ in fact do know how to change the world without taking power,through h<strong>is</strong> familiarity with a wide range of contemporary radicalsocial movements, ‘usually pejoratively and m<strong>is</strong>leadingly termed“anti-globalization” movements’ (2002: 2). He notes thatWhile long faces on the Marxian left have been cheered by the appearance ofwhat are now recognized—even in the mainstream press—as ‘anti-capital<strong>is</strong>tdemonstrators’, it <strong>is</strong> equally clear that the renewed militancy <strong>is</strong> not easilyramrodded into their familiar categories. The demonstrators’ diffusion ofcomposition, diversity of perspective, decentralization of organization and,usually, determined d<strong>is</strong>association from the d<strong>is</strong>astrous h<strong>is</strong>torical experienceof state social<strong>is</strong>m, defi es the grasp of most class analys<strong>is</strong>. (3)Dyer-Witheford reads the autonom<strong>is</strong>t tradition in a much morenon-hegemonic way than Holloway, or Hardt and Negri, as strivingtowards a ‘lateral polycentric concept of anticapital<strong>is</strong>t alliancesin-diversity,connecting a plurality of agencies in a circulation ofstruggles’ (1999: 68). He also engages much more closely and carefullywith femin<strong>is</strong>t and postcolonial theor<strong>is</strong>ts, and approves of what hecalls the ‘postmodern marx<strong>is</strong>m’ of Guattari and Negri, which has‘d<strong>is</strong>card[ed] the marx<strong>is</strong>t habit of nominating some agents as centralto anticapital<strong>is</strong>t struggle and others as marginal’ (187). At the sametime, however, Dyer-Witheford’s work does retain some remnants ofa class-centric analys<strong>is</strong>. In a d<strong>is</strong>cussion of Donna Haraway’s notionof the cyborg, he laments her refusal to ‘nominate any central ax<strong>is</strong>of conflict along which activ<strong>is</strong>m might be arrayed’ (179). Th<strong>is</strong> ax<strong>is</strong> <strong>is</strong>not named, but the d<strong>is</strong>cussion of postmodern marx<strong>is</strong>m gives us a clueto its nature: it <strong>is</strong> anti-capital<strong>is</strong>t struggle, carried out now not only byworkers, but by others as well. Thus, while class-centr<strong>is</strong>m <strong>is</strong> avoided inDyer-Witheford’s conception of the revolutionary subject, it remainsin the formulation of the task which th<strong>is</strong> subject <strong>is</strong> supposed to takeup. And, once again, anarch<strong>is</strong>m and anarch<strong>is</strong>ts barely rate a mention;the only relevant index entry points to a glancing d<strong>is</strong>m<strong>is</strong>sal of what<strong>is</strong> probably anarcho-primitiv<strong>is</strong>m.In sum, the theor<strong>is</strong>ts of autonom<strong>is</strong>t marx<strong>is</strong>m have made importantadvances in the analys<strong>is</strong> of the information economy and the society

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