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Tracking the Hegemony of Hegemony: Classical Marx<strong>is</strong>m and Liberal<strong>is</strong>m 55and open about their activities, and justified them theoretically.How could it be that marx<strong>is</strong>t social<strong>is</strong>m, as the ideology of freedomin community, became its horrible opposite? Was th<strong>is</strong> the result ofa string of bad luck, of pursuing ‘social<strong>is</strong>m in one country’, or wasit, as Bakunin pointed out in the 1880s, a predictable result of therevolutionary strategy of Marx and the marx<strong>is</strong>ts? It <strong>is</strong> well known thatMarx and Engels set out to stand Hegel on h<strong>is</strong> feet, that <strong>is</strong>, to bringGerman ideal<strong>is</strong>m down to earth by inverting its conception of wherethe ‘ground’ of h<strong>is</strong>tory actually could be found: in material relationsrather than in ideas. But, as <strong>is</strong> always the case with deconstructivecritique, the body that they subjected to th<strong>is</strong> acrobatic treatmentretained some of its key features. From Hegel, Marx and Engels tookthe idea that struggle between antagon<strong>is</strong>tic forces <strong>is</strong> fundamental toh<strong>is</strong>torical development. But, where the liberals saw th<strong>is</strong> as a battlebetween <strong>is</strong>olated individuals, the ‘scientific social<strong>is</strong>ts’ framed it as onebetween antagon<strong>is</strong>tic principles brought to earth. ‘The h<strong>is</strong>tory of allhitherto ex<strong>is</strong>ting society <strong>is</strong> the h<strong>is</strong>tory of class struggles’, they famouslydeclared in the opening salvo of the Manifesto of the Commun<strong>is</strong>t Party(Marx and Engels 1888/1848: 40). For Marx and Engels, h<strong>is</strong>tory occursupon a stage that Hobbes and Locke characterize as the state of nature,and ends with commun<strong>is</strong>m, as the achievement of a properly ‘civil’social order. That <strong>is</strong>, the same narrative that provides a mythic originin liberal<strong>is</strong>m provides a mythic endpoint in marx<strong>is</strong>t social<strong>is</strong>m. Th<strong>is</strong><strong>is</strong> possible because Marx and Engels, again like Hobbes, Locke andHegel, believed that it <strong>is</strong> ‘only in community’ that we may findour freedom (Marx and Engels 1978/1848: 197). They add, however,that the bourgeo<strong>is</strong> conception of community <strong>is</strong> inadequate becauseit <strong>is</strong> not sufficiently universal: ‘freedom has ex<strong>is</strong>ted only for theindividuals who developed within the relationships of the rulingclass and only insofar as they were individuals of th<strong>is</strong> class’ (197).Thus, liberal community <strong>is</strong> ‘illusory’, and needs to be d<strong>is</strong>placed by asocial<strong>is</strong>t community that <strong>is</strong> ‘real’ (197).In attempting to characterize th<strong>is</strong> community, Marx and Engels alsoadopted other key concepts from liberal<strong>is</strong>m, including its conceptionof civil society. ‘The form of intercourse determined by the ex<strong>is</strong>tingproductive forces at all previous h<strong>is</strong>torical stages,’ they declared,‘and in its turn determining these, <strong>is</strong> civil society’ (1978/1848: 163;italics in original). Th<strong>is</strong> sphere, as defined in ‘The German Ideology’,‘embraces the whole commercial and industrial life of a given stageand, insofar, transcends the State and the nation, though, on the otherhand again, it must assert itself in foreign relations as nationality,