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... and Now 147should be seen as ‘the subjective component’ (1999: 222) of generalintellect, as the ‘variable’, or human side of ‘a labour of networksand communicative d<strong>is</strong>course’ (Vincent in Dyer-Witheford 1999:227). But human beings cannot carry out their functions withinth<strong>is</strong> system without the help of its ‘objective, fixed, machine side’(227), that <strong>is</strong>, the computer networks and modes of organization ofwork that are character<strong>is</strong>tic of multinational corporations and statebureaucracies. Thus Hardt and Negri explicitly link general intellect,biopower and the societies of control, arguing that Empire establ<strong>is</strong>hesa ‘new relationship between production and life’ (2000: 365). Theyclaim to take previous work on general intellect a step further, byconsidering its embodied, experiential aspects, instead of focusing‘almost exclusively on the horizon of language and communication’(29). With th<strong>is</strong> observation, it becomes possible, or perhaps necessary,to consider bodies, symbolic forms, and mechanical/informationalsystems—our entire being as postmodern subjects—as intimatelyenmeshed in a ‘vast machine that dominates society’ (Negri in Dyer-Witheford 1999: 227).In a sense th<strong>is</strong> <strong>is</strong> not an entirely new argument; it may be read,for example, as an updated version of Herbert Marcuse’s analys<strong>is</strong>in One Dimensional Man (1964). But autonom<strong>is</strong>t theory has refusedto wallow in the kind of quiet<strong>is</strong>tic cynic<strong>is</strong>m that <strong>is</strong> character<strong>is</strong>tic ofthe Frankfurt School, ins<strong>is</strong>ting instead that while general intellectmight be immersed in the biopolitical systems of control uponwhich Empire relies, it also has the potential to undermine thesevery systems. The examples that can be cited here are legion, from theadroit manipulation of image-hungry telev<strong>is</strong>ion news outlets by earlyGreenpeace activ<strong>is</strong>ts, to the use of email and the web to link activ<strong>is</strong>tsof all stripes, most commonly evoked in the proliferation of theZapat<strong>is</strong>ta’s so-called ‘netwar’ (Cleaver 1998). Thus, the autonom<strong>is</strong>tsargue, general intellect not only enslaves us, but also offers the toolsof our liberation. Capital<strong>is</strong>m, they claim, <strong>is</strong> once again producingits own gravediggers, but th<strong>is</strong> time they are going to use keyboardsrather than shovels.Indeed, the defining character<strong>is</strong>tics of autonom<strong>is</strong>t theory <strong>is</strong> itsins<strong>is</strong>tence that it <strong>is</strong> the workers (in the factories, homes and seasidecottages equipped with satellite internet connections) who havecreated and sustained capital<strong>is</strong>m/Empire, not only by allowing theirproductivity to be captured and exploited, as in the standard marx<strong>is</strong>tanalys<strong>is</strong>, but also through their efforts to ‘rupture th<strong>is</strong> recuperativemovement, unspring the dialectical spiral, and speed the circulation

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