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140 Gramsci <strong>is</strong> Dead151–2). Kropotkin differs from Deleuze and Guattari in positing theemergence of the state form at some defined point in h<strong>is</strong>tory; that<strong>is</strong>, he did not fully grasp, as did Landauer, that the state <strong>is</strong> a stateof relations. Put another way, we could say that while Kropotkinrecognized that the logic of affinity was ever-present as a potentialway of structuring human relationships, he did not see the logic ofhegemony in th<strong>is</strong> way. Rather, he saw it as something that could,and should, be tossed into the dustbin of h<strong>is</strong>tory. Th<strong>is</strong> assumption,which ar<strong>is</strong>es from the remnants of h<strong>is</strong> faith in the revolution, hasimportant strategic consequences. It obscures a critical danger thatlies in wait for all who attempt to live a non-stat<strong>is</strong>t life, the dangerthat the state form will return, just when we thought we had got ridof it for good. Th<strong>is</strong> <strong>is</strong> not only a problem when constructing social<strong>is</strong>min one country—or region, or town—but would remain even in aworld entirely devoid of states. Th<strong>is</strong> <strong>is</strong> because while we might ridourselves of particular states, we can never rid ourselves of the stateform. It <strong>is</strong> always already with us, and so must be cons<strong>is</strong>tently andcarefully warded off.Th<strong>is</strong> problem—which was not addressed by the classicalanarch<strong>is</strong>ts—<strong>is</strong> handled in an interesting way by Deleuze and Guattari.Citing Pierre Clastres’ argument in Society Against the State (1989),they note that so-called ‘primitive’ societies maintain ‘collectivemechan<strong>is</strong>ms of inhibition’ that prevent the emergence of hegemonicrelationships (Deleuze and Guattari 1987: 358). One of these <strong>is</strong> modesof leadership that do ‘not act to promote the strongest but ratherinhibit the installation of stable powers, in favour of a fabric ofimmanent relations’ (358). Th<strong>is</strong> argument, of course, <strong>is</strong> a commontrope within anarch<strong>is</strong>t anthropology, from Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid toHarold Barclay’s People Without Government (1992), and by adopting itDeleuze and Guattari take on an obvious, but unacknowledged debt.But they do so at the r<strong>is</strong>k of picking up a problem inherent to allmodern<strong>is</strong>t anthropologies, namely a tendency to see societies withoutthe state as representative of a stage that necessarily comes before, andleads up to, the higher forms of ‘civilized’, or state-based, societies.Despite some lapses of language that seem to indicate they are notup to the task of overcoming primitiv<strong>is</strong>m—such as the apparentlyunqualified use of the term ‘primitive’ itself—Deleuze and Guattarido in fact present a critique of Clastres on just th<strong>is</strong> bas<strong>is</strong>:He [Clastres] tended to make primitive societies hypostases, self-suffi ciententities … he made their formal exteriority into a real independence. Thushe remained an evolution<strong>is</strong>t, and posited a state of nature. (1987: 359)

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