page 48or is responsible for <strong>the</strong>ir international obligations. 268Practically speaking, an entity must actually engage inforeign relations, ra<strong>the</strong>r than merely assert a capacityto do so. The mere assertion of such capacity, <strong>with</strong>outmore, would be insufficient to meet international legalrequirements. 269d. IndependenceIndependence has been identified by some scholars asan implied fifth criterion, 270 while o<strong>the</strong>rs simply view it asequivalent to, and <strong>the</strong> foundation of, <strong>the</strong> ‘capacity to enterinto relations <strong>with</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r states.’ 271 In demonstratingone’s independence, <strong>the</strong> question arises as to whatform it should take. There are two recognized formsof independence. The first is formal independence,which exists where governing power over a territoryis vested in <strong>the</strong> separate authorities of <strong>the</strong> territory. 272The second is actual independence, which refers to <strong>the</strong>effective independence of <strong>the</strong> putative state -- <strong>the</strong> realgovernmental power at <strong>the</strong> disposal of its authorities. 273While seemingly simple, <strong>the</strong> term operates differently indifferent contexts. Thus, one must distinguish betweenindependence as an initial qualification for statehood andindependence as a criterion for <strong>the</strong> continued existenceof a state. A new state that is created by secession ora grant of power from a previous sovereign will have todemonstrate substantial independence before it will beregarded as existent -- it must demonstrate both formaland actual independence. An existing state is subject toa far less stringent requirement. 274 Thus, <strong>the</strong> Palestinianentity, to be recognized as a state, must be able todemonstrate both formal and actual independence. It isconceivable that <strong>the</strong> Palestinian entity could demonstrate<strong>the</strong> existence of both forms of independence.e. Modern Developments in International LawIn recent years additional criteria for statehood havebeen formulated in response to modern developments instate practice. This suggests that fur<strong>the</strong>r considerationshave been developed and have gained acceptance in thisarea of international practice. 275International LawConcerning FriendlyRelations and CooperationAmong States, in accordance<strong>with</strong> <strong>the</strong> Charter of <strong>the</strong>United Nations, sets forthsome basic precepts, one ofwhich says that states shallrefrain from <strong>the</strong> threat or useof force against <strong>the</strong> territorialintegrity or politicalindependence of a state. 277The rule of legality states that in satisfying <strong>the</strong> traditionalcriteria for statehood, an entity must satisfy <strong>the</strong>traditional standards of statehood in accordance <strong>with</strong>international law. If an entity emerges through acts thatare considered to be illegal in terms of international lawor norm, <strong>the</strong>n no matter how effective <strong>the</strong> entity may be,its claim to statehood cannot be maintained. 276D. Examples of Viable, Non-Contiguous StatesExamples of both past and present non-contiguous statessuggest that contiguity is not a prerequisite for a state’sviability, and that a state will be capable of existing evenif it is non-contiguous. It is to <strong>the</strong>se examples that wenow turn.There are many examples, past and present, of noncontiguousstates -- states consisting of two or more partsbetween which lies foreign sovereign territory -- which havenever<strong>the</strong>less proven <strong>the</strong>mselves to be viable. There are,however, some examples of non-contiguous states thatdo raise concerns. <strong>For</strong> example, East Pakistan (referredto as East Bengal prior to 1955) and <strong>West</strong> Pakistan, and<strong>the</strong> Danzig Corridor proved to be problematic.Pakistan was created when <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom leftIndia, and <strong>the</strong> subcontinent was divided according to
eligious affiliation. Pakistan’s raison d’etre was to forma separate Muslim nation, and Pakistan was composedof territories in East and <strong>West</strong> India <strong>with</strong> a Muslimmajority. Pakistan gained independence on August 14,1947, and from 1947 to 1971 <strong>the</strong> state consisted of twounits: <strong>West</strong> Pakistan and East Pakistan, separated fromone ano<strong>the</strong>r by over 1,000 miles of Indian territory. The<strong>West</strong>ern Zone was called <strong>West</strong> Pakistan and <strong>the</strong> EasternZone was called East Bengal. 278In <strong>the</strong> general elections held in December, 1970, anEast Pakistani party, <strong>the</strong> Awami League, came to power.However, <strong>the</strong> <strong>West</strong> Pakistan-dominated leadershipwould not allow <strong>the</strong> elected party to enter office. Priorto <strong>the</strong> 1970 election, <strong>the</strong> government of Pakistan hadalways been dominated by <strong>West</strong> Pakistan, and <strong>the</strong> <strong>West</strong>Pakistanis were not prepared to relinquish <strong>the</strong>ir control.Therefore, <strong>the</strong> Awami League advocated autonomy forEast Pakistan. This demand was <strong>the</strong> immediate causeof <strong>the</strong> Bangladesh Liberation War that erupted in 1971,and led to <strong>the</strong> murder of approximately three millionEast Pakistanis by <strong>West</strong> Pakistani troops trying to quash<strong>the</strong> rebellion. Eventually in 1971, after <strong>the</strong> interventionof India, <strong>West</strong> Pakistan surrendered and Bangladesh(formerly East Pakistan) declared her independence. 279Supporters of a safe passage between <strong>Gaza</strong> and <strong>the</strong><strong>West</strong> <strong>Bank</strong> might claim that <strong>the</strong> Bangladesh LiberationWar and <strong>the</strong> secession of East Pakistan was <strong>the</strong> resultof non-contiguity between East Pakistan and <strong>West</strong>Pakistan. Historical fact indicates that this was not <strong>the</strong>case. There were five main causes of secession -- and<strong>the</strong> non-contiguity of East Pakistan and <strong>West</strong> Pakistanwas not among <strong>the</strong>m.Secession occurred primarily because of <strong>the</strong> economicexploitation of East Pakistan by <strong>West</strong> Pakistan. <strong>West</strong>Pakistan dominated <strong>the</strong> divided country, receiving moregovernment funding and investment than <strong>the</strong> morepopulous East Pakistan. As an indication of <strong>the</strong> differencesbetween <strong>the</strong> degree of government investment in <strong>the</strong>two areas, one merely needed to look at <strong>the</strong> number oftextile mills in <strong>the</strong> respective areas. Prior to <strong>the</strong> British<strong>with</strong>drawal, East Pakistan boasted eleven textile mills ascompared to <strong>West</strong> Pakistan’s nine. By 1971, <strong>the</strong> numberof textile mills in East Pakistan had increased to only 26,while those in <strong>West</strong> Pakistan had catapulted to 150. 280A second cause of <strong>the</strong> Liberation War was <strong>the</strong> existenceof political differences between East Pakistan and <strong>West</strong>Pakistan. Even though East Pakistan was more populous,political power fell into <strong>the</strong> hands of <strong>West</strong> Pakistanis.Since a straightforward system of voting would haveconcentrated power in <strong>the</strong> hands of <strong>the</strong> more populousEast Pakistanis, <strong>West</strong> Pakistanis formulated a schemeof ‘one unit,’ where all of <strong>West</strong> Pakistan was consideredone voting unit. This was done solely to balance EastPakistan’s votes. Thus, East Pakistan was, in a mannerof speaking, subjugated by <strong>the</strong> <strong>West</strong>, despite its being<strong>the</strong> more populous of <strong>the</strong> two. 281Thirdly, <strong>the</strong>re were differences in religious observancebetween East Pakistan and <strong>West</strong> Pakistan. The differingextent to which Islam was followed divided <strong>the</strong> territoriesideologically. <strong>West</strong> Pakistan’s population was 97 percentMuslim, and less liberal than East Pakistan, which had anon-Muslim population of fifteen percent. 282The fourth cause of war was <strong>the</strong> language debatethat existed. In 1948, Dhaka and Urdu were declared<strong>the</strong> official languages of all of Pakistan. This provedcontroversial because Urdu was only spoken in <strong>the</strong><strong>West</strong> by <strong>the</strong> Miyahir and in <strong>the</strong> East by <strong>the</strong> Bihans. Themajority group in <strong>West</strong> Pakistan spoke Purjabi andSindhi, while Bangia was spoken by <strong>the</strong> majority groupin East Pakistan. The language controversy eventuallyresulted in a revolt by both students and civilians in EastPakistan, many of whom lost <strong>the</strong>ir lives. 283These factors led to <strong>the</strong> development of secessionistmovements in East Pakistan, and <strong>the</strong> eventual landslidevictory of <strong>the</strong> Awami League. The refusal by <strong>West</strong> Pakistanto accept <strong>the</strong> election results led to <strong>the</strong> Liberation War,which in turn led to <strong>the</strong> secession of East Pakistan and<strong>the</strong> creation of Bangladesh.page 49