12.07.2015 Views

ISSUE 125 : Jul/Aug - 1997 - Australian Defence Force Journal

ISSUE 125 : Jul/Aug - 1997 - Australian Defence Force Journal

ISSUE 125 : Jul/Aug - 1997 - Australian Defence Force Journal

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

THE PLACE OF THE SURFACE COMBATANT IN REGIONAL NAVAL DEVELOPMENT 1975-96 57Table 2. Regional surface combatants 1985 - numbers and average ageFrigates Corvettes Fast attack Large patrol Coastal patrol(average age) (average age) craft - missile craft craft(average age) (average age) (average age)Brunei - - 3 (6) - 6 (6)Indonesia 12 (20) - 4 (5) 16 a (22) 8 (9)Malaysia 4 (7) - 8 (9) 27 (17) -Philippines 7 (42) 10 (41)- - 13 (19) 73 (11)Singapore - - 6 (12) 6 (14) 12 (4)Thailand 6 (27) - 6 (7) 25 (19) 33 (8)a. Four of these vessels were listed as corvettes in 1975Source: Jane’s Fighting Ships 1985–86of the four Soviet fleets. Out of area deploymentswere frequent and of particular concern to theASEAN nations was the Soviet use of Cam RanhBay in Vietnam as a naval and air base, and thepossibility that India might allow similar basingprivileges in the Nicobar or Andaman Islands near theentrance to the Strait of Malacca. Though the Sovietdeployments could be seen as strategically defensiveand were not overtly aggressive, doubts over theirintentions remained and these were not allayed byclear demonstrations of a willingness to use force.Incidents such as the destruction of a Korean airlinerby Soviet air defences in 1983 simply served tofurther strain relations and strengthen the case forregional military expenditure.Over a similar period a parallel maritimeexpansion became apparent in the Chinese Navy(PLA-N). After years of concentration on coastalcraft, in the early 1970s the PLA-N began to alter itsforce structure, curtailing patrol boat constructionwhile accelerating the building of larger surfacecombatants such as the ‘Luda’ class guided missiledestroyers. Though these developments could be seensimply as a direct response to Soviet moves, theincrease in Chinese capability also had obviousimplications for the wider region. Throughout the1980s the Chinese were able to maintain relativelylarge production runs of destroyers and frigates.Though still of comparatively uncomplicated designs,by fitting both indigenous and foreign sourcedequipment these vessels were able to field crediblecapabilities in many areas of naval warfare. Like theSoviets, the Chinese also demonstrated theirwillingness to use force and employed their warshipsin action against the Vietnamese on several occasionsduring the 1980s.Even in isolation these developments would nodoubt have caused a regional response. However,they were combined with clear signals from theUnited States that it expected regional nations to takeadequate measures for their own defence, thereduction or elimination of insurgent threats tointernal security, and the growing economic strengthof the region. Perhaps even more significant, were themajor changes in maritime regimes brought about bythe 1982 United Nations Law of the Sea Convention,under which most regional nations gained extensiveoffshore resource zones.Most recently the region has witnessed the effectsof the collapse of the Soviet Union and in particularthe wholesale deterioration of the ex-Soviet Pacificfleet. Though this is a change of major strategicsignificance and has virtually removed the possibilityof a threat from that direction, in Asia-Pacific terms itmust be seen in the context of the PLA-N’simproving capacity to project power into disputedterritorial waters and the perceived draw down ofUnited States forces in the region. In the opinion ofmany analysts the previous, and relativelycomfortable, bipolar balance of power has beenreplaced by an atmosphere of uncertainty. The oftenexpressed fear is that a power vacuum now exists,with the region in consequence becoming morecomplex, multipolar and increasingly volatile. Eventsover the past year in the South China Sea 3 and TaiwanStrait 4 do nothing to contradict this view and anyconflict that does occur in the future will almostcertainly have a dominant maritime dimension.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!