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national populism and slovak – hungarian relations in - MEK

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Annex – Kálmán PetõczNational Populism <strong>and</strong> Slovak – Hungarian Relations <strong>in</strong> Slovakia 2006 – 2009. Forum M<strong>in</strong>ority Research Institute Šamorín – Somorja, 2009tion of bridges over borderl<strong>in</strong>e rivers that are <strong>in</strong>evitable to facilitate furthereconomic growth of border areas <strong>and</strong> strengthen friendly ties between their<strong>in</strong>habitants because these bridges might serve as the start<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t of enemytroops’ offensive aga<strong>in</strong>st Slovakia.At the same time, these arguments serve as tools of paralyz<strong>in</strong>g the politicalopposition through creat<strong>in</strong>g an atmosphere <strong>in</strong> which virtually no relevantpolitical force dares assume a non-ideological position on any issueconcern<strong>in</strong>g ethnic Hungarians <strong>in</strong> order to avoid be<strong>in</strong>g ostracized by the others.As a result, most political players’ views on Slovak–Hungarian disputesslowly drift to the ‘centre’. Consequently, almost every quarrel that is <strong>in</strong>itiatedby Slovak <strong>national</strong> populists <strong>and</strong> provokes any k<strong>in</strong>d of reaction fromethnic Hungarians is <strong>in</strong>terpreted by centrist ma<strong>in</strong>stream of the country’spolitical elite <strong>and</strong> journalistic community as a clash of ‘two <strong>national</strong>isms’.On the other h<strong>and</strong>, arguments <strong>in</strong>itiated by ethnic Hungarians are ‘obvious’without further consideration (i.e. ethnic Hungarians are responsible). Sucha shift toward the ‘centre’ <strong>in</strong>evitably opens a broad manoeuvr<strong>in</strong>g space forhardcore <strong>national</strong> populists on both sides of the Danube River.Any organizations, <strong>in</strong>stitutions or groups of <strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>in</strong> Slovakia orabroad that either openly side with ethnic Hungarians or dare criticize governmentdue to different reasons immediately become suspicious as well.The follow<strong>in</strong>g three reactions by Prime M<strong>in</strong>ister Robert Fico <strong>and</strong> his politicalallies provide typical examples of this pattern.After the socialist faction of the European Parliament decided on July5, 2006, to <strong>in</strong>itiate the procedure lead<strong>in</strong>g to suspension of SMER-SD associatedmembership <strong>in</strong> the Party of European Socialists on grounds of itsgovernment alliance with the <strong>national</strong>ist SNS, Fico immediately po<strong>in</strong>ted af<strong>in</strong>ger at “supra<strong>national</strong> corporations <strong>and</strong> monopolies that are afraid of los<strong>in</strong>gtheir profits <strong>in</strong> Slovakia” as well as on Hungarian MEPs who wereallegedly unable to get over the fact that SMK–MKP was no longer <strong>in</strong> government.In August 2008 when the Open Society Foundation published the f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gsof a survey that revealed negative views of 14–15 year-old primaryschool pupils on ethnic Hungarians <strong>and</strong> their use of Hungarian language,government officials labelled the survey as manipulated <strong>and</strong> serv<strong>in</strong>g the<strong>in</strong>terests of foreign customers.In the same month when a non-governmental organization called FairplayAlliance criticized SMER-SD for hav<strong>in</strong>g concluded non-st<strong>and</strong>ardadvantageous tenancy for its headquarters <strong>in</strong> Bratislava, the party’s reactiondid not focus on respond<strong>in</strong>g to the essence of criticism <strong>and</strong> clarify<strong>in</strong>g thecontract’s background but po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g out that Fair-play Alliance was f<strong>in</strong>anced278

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