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national populism and slovak – hungarian relations in - MEK

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Grigorij MesežnikovNational Populism <strong>and</strong> Slovak – Hungarian Relations <strong>in</strong> Slovakia 2006 – 2009. Forum M<strong>in</strong>ority Research Institute Šamorín – Somorja, 2009have but [two options]: either respect the Jánošík tradition or replace thenation … Anti-Slovakism still dwells as a hidden bacillus <strong>in</strong> some Slovakhistorians. That is why these spiritually homeless people object to a freediscussion over new term<strong>in</strong>ology that speaks of ancient Slovaks or K<strong>in</strong>gSvätopluk.” 36 Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Fico, “the media launched an <strong>in</strong>quisitorial witchhuntaga<strong>in</strong>st everyth<strong>in</strong>g that is Slovak […]. Only spiritually homeless or<strong>national</strong>ly ignorant may [strive to] deprive the nation of the legend aboutJánošík who struggled aga<strong>in</strong>st social oppression.” 37National populists’ <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ation to positive perception of “<strong>national</strong>ly-oriented”historical figures with an authoritarian profile may be illustrated byefforts to pass a special law on the merits of Andrej Hl<strong>in</strong>ka, a Catholicpriest <strong>and</strong> one of the Slovak nation’s pr<strong>in</strong>cipal political leaders <strong>in</strong> the firsthalf of the 20 th century. The SNS proposed that Hl<strong>in</strong>ka be officially referredto as “the father of the nation”. One of the most active protagonists of theidea to pass the special law on Hl<strong>in</strong>ka was SMER-SD Vice-Chairman <strong>and</strong>M<strong>in</strong>ister of Culture Marek Maïariè who declared that Hl<strong>in</strong>ka’s “personalityis unambiguous” <strong>and</strong> “his merits are extraord<strong>in</strong>ary”. The positive evaluationof Hl<strong>in</strong>ka would be imposed <strong>in</strong> an authoritative fashion that, ifenforced <strong>in</strong> practice, could even restrict freedom of scientific research <strong>and</strong>public discussion. Maïariè called voices argu<strong>in</strong>g that Hl<strong>in</strong>ka’s historicalprofile deserves detailed discussion “perfidious”, argu<strong>in</strong>g that “Hl<strong>in</strong>ka’s personalitydeserves mostly respect”. 38 In l<strong>in</strong>e with this attitude, the SNS directlyproposed to punish critical evaluation of Hl<strong>in</strong>ka as “defamation ofHl<strong>in</strong>ka’s name”. The HZDS also supported ‘enact<strong>in</strong>g’ Hl<strong>in</strong>ka’s merits;accord<strong>in</strong>g to Chairman Meèiar, his party endorsed the SNS position morethan that of the opposition KDH that submitted a more moderate bill onHl<strong>in</strong>ka.A special place among historic events whose <strong>in</strong>terpretation is particularlyimportant <strong>in</strong> terms of impact on Slovakia’s socio-political developmentis emergence <strong>and</strong> existence of the wartime Slovak State. The official statedoctr<strong>in</strong>e of the Slovak Republic is based on the anti-fascist tradition embodied<strong>in</strong> the Slovak National Upris<strong>in</strong>g of 1944. The modern Slovak Republicis considered a successor to the Czecho<strong>slovak</strong> Federation but neither legalnor political successor to the wartime Slovak State proclaimed <strong>in</strong> March1939; however, a revisionist perception of the period of 1939–1945 hasbecome part of the country’s public <strong>and</strong> political discourse regard<strong>in</strong>g theissue of <strong>national</strong> history after 1989. An <strong>in</strong>tegral part of this perception isthe thesis that the wartime state (also called “the first Slovak Republic”)was de facto a predecessor of the modern Slovak Republic, efforts to separatethe totalitarian regime established by the fascist Hl<strong>in</strong>ka’s Slovak54

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