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national populism and slovak – hungarian relations in - MEK

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Peter UèeòNational Populism <strong>and</strong> Slovak – Hungarian Relations <strong>in</strong> Slovakia 2006 – 2009. Forum M<strong>in</strong>ority Research Institute Šamorín – Somorja, 2009F<strong>in</strong>ally, <strong>in</strong> addition to identify<strong>in</strong>g the embodiments of <strong>national</strong> <strong>populism</strong>,the ‘situation’ of <strong>national</strong> <strong>populism</strong> should be addressed as well. Ow<strong>in</strong>g tothe shared ‘staple’, <strong>national</strong>-populist moment was capable of materialis<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong> some polities also <strong>in</strong> the form of alliances of various ‘unorthodox’ parties.Political coalition of the populist radical right with <strong>national</strong> populiststook place <strong>in</strong> the 1990s <strong>in</strong> Romania (PRM <strong>and</strong> PDSR) <strong>and</strong> Serbia (SRS <strong>and</strong>SPS). In Slovakia, <strong>in</strong> addition to stable cooperation of the HZDS <strong>and</strong> SNS,also the radical left element was <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> the form of the SlovakWorkers’ Association (ZRS).Slovak National Populist MomentBy way of example, let’s illustrate our views of the post-communist <strong>national</strong><strong>populism</strong> on the case of Slovakia.The reason for which <strong>in</strong> the aftermath of the regime change any successfulopposition politics <strong>in</strong> Slovakia had to be based on a messageaddress<strong>in</strong>g social impact of economic changes brought up by the transitions<strong>and</strong> the widespread feel<strong>in</strong>g among the Slovaks that the <strong>in</strong>stitutional/constitutionalarrangement of the Czecho<strong>slovak</strong> Federation was not fair, wereobvious. Slovak political elite were divided on how to response to thoseperceptions. While its ‘federalist’ <strong>and</strong> ‘civic liberal’ part held it was necessaryto withst<strong>and</strong> the bad weather by consistently stick<strong>in</strong>g to the l<strong>in</strong>e ofeconomic liberalisation <strong>and</strong> preserv<strong>in</strong>g exist<strong>in</strong>g constitutional arrangements,a <strong>national</strong>(ist) opposition rose with<strong>in</strong> their ranks.In general, Slovak opposition outside of the VPN reacted both to socialdeprivation (SD¼) <strong>and</strong> to a perceived unfairness of the form of the state(SNS, KDH). But it was Vladimír Meèiar, head<strong>in</strong>g the opposition with<strong>in</strong>the (nom<strong>in</strong>ally) civic liberal camp, who mixed the ‘remedy’ of <strong>national</strong><strong>populism</strong> for all Slovak ails. First, he successfully comb<strong>in</strong>ed the social <strong>and</strong>the <strong>national</strong> aspects of the Slovaks’ disillusionment with the new order <strong>in</strong>his (party’s) appeal to the people mak<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>national</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpret the social.Second, he added a strong populist <strong>in</strong>gredient to the movement by bothdef<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the people (members of the Slovak nation affected by the post-transitiondeprivations) <strong>and</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g out the harmful elite which, ill-serv<strong>in</strong>g orbetray<strong>in</strong>g the people was to be blamed for those deprivations. F<strong>in</strong>ally, heprovided a suggestion for a solution (a “bearable transition”) appeal<strong>in</strong>g toa noteworthy number of Slovaks, that meant tak<strong>in</strong>g (some) economic <strong>and</strong>political power to ‘Slovak h<strong>and</strong>s’, those h<strong>and</strong>s be<strong>in</strong>g the h<strong>and</strong>s of peoplethat understood the needs <strong>and</strong> would not fail the people – Vladimír Meèiarhimself <strong>and</strong> his Movement for Democratic Slovakia.28

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