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Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

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1 4 0<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e smany executed, others exiled to forced-labor camps across the Soviet Union,yet others deprived of their livelihood and driven underground (Keller 2001).These policies dealt a deathblow to older means of reproduc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Islam</strong>. Moreov e r, as the Soviet Union receded <strong>in</strong>to a paranoid isolationism, l<strong>in</strong>ks with theoutside Muslim world were cut off. Central Asian <strong>Islam</strong> was forced <strong>in</strong>to isolation,cut off from developments <strong>in</strong> the rest of the Muslim world.Soviet <strong>Islam</strong> was thus localized and rendered synonymous with tradition.With Muslim educational <strong>in</strong>stitutions abolished, the ranks of the carriers of <strong>Islam</strong>icknowledge denuded, and cont<strong>in</strong>uity with the past made difficult bychanges <strong>in</strong> script, the family became the only site for the transmission of <strong>Islam</strong>.At the same time, s<strong>in</strong>ce no new religious texts could be published and s<strong>in</strong>ceoral cha<strong>in</strong>s of transmission were often destroyed, the available religious knowledgewas vastly circumscribed. 1These developments co<strong>in</strong>cided with another very significant phenomenon:the emergence and consolidation of strong ethno-national identities <strong>in</strong> CentralAsia. The Soviet Union presided over the largest project of nation-build<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong> human history (Suny 1994; Slezk<strong>in</strong>e 1994). From the very beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g, “nation”(and the related concepts of “nationality” and “the people,” all renderedby k h a l q <strong>in</strong> Central Asian languages) was a constitutive part of the Soviet politicalsystem. While “Soviet <strong>in</strong>ternationalism” and “the friendship of peoples” rema<strong>in</strong>edconstants <strong>in</strong> official rhetoric, they were premised on the assumptionthat every <strong>in</strong>dividual belonged to a nation. Nations were created (or “recognized”)and equipped with territorial homelands, and policies of affirmativeaction were <strong>in</strong>stalled to promote native elites to positions of power with<strong>in</strong> thepolitical system (Mart<strong>in</strong> 2001; Edgar 1999). Throughout the Soviet Union,new national identities were created along a template that emphasized languageas the key marker of national identity. The old adm<strong>in</strong>istrative boundariesof Central Asia were redrawn along ethno-national l<strong>in</strong>es <strong>in</strong> 1924–1925,creat<strong>in</strong>g two (eventually five) national republics that entered the Union of SovietSocialist Republics as members of the federation.Each nation also had its own national history and its own national heritage,compris<strong>in</strong>g of a pantheon of positive (that is, “progressive” and “secular”) culturalheroes, a national literature, national dress, and national customs. Thenotion that everyone belongs to a nation—def<strong>in</strong>ed by language, history, custom,heritage, and common descent—became a commonplace. The keeper ofthe national heritage was the national <strong>in</strong>telligentsia, which <strong>in</strong> Central Asia wasitself a creation of the Soviet regime. Its members found employment <strong>in</strong> an extensivenetwork of universities, <strong>in</strong>stitutes, and academies, generously fundedby the state. To be sure, nationalist chauv<strong>in</strong>ism could not be expressed <strong>in</strong> officialdiscourse, which had to stay with<strong>in</strong> fairly strict limits and had to emphasizethe “friendship of peoples,” “Soviet <strong>in</strong>ternationalism,” and “the lead<strong>in</strong>g role ofthe Great Russian people, the elder brother.” Nevertheless, <strong>in</strong> the last three

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