Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

1 6 6Islam i n World Cult u r e sten left unresolved. Their very dynamism derives from the questions they raiseand the doubts they engender among people struggling with traditional meaningsin the midst of changing social contexts. Questions of purity and legitimacybecome paramount when the Hui are faced with radical internal socioeconomicand political change and are exposed to different interpretations ofIslam from the outside Muslim world. These conflicts and reforms reflect anongoing debate in China over Islamic orthodoxy, revealing an important disjunctionbetween “scripturalist” or “mystical” interpretations.In a similar fashion, the study of Southeast Asian Islam has often centeredon the contradiction and compromise between the native culture of the indigenousMuslims and the shari’a of orthodox Islam, between the mystical andthe scriptural, between the real and the ideal. 2 The supposed accommodationof orthodox Islamic tenets to local cultural practices has led scholars to dismissor explain such compromise as syncretism, assimilation, and “sinification,” ashas been described among the Hui. An alternative approach, and one perh a p smore in tune with the interests of the Hui themselves, sees this incongruenceas the basis for ongoing dialectical tensions that have often led to reformmovements and conflicts within Muslim communities (Eickelman 1976,10–13). Following Max Weber (1978), one can see the wide variety of Islamicexpression as reflecting processes of local world construction and programsfor social conduct whereby a major religious tradition becomes meaningful toan indigenous society.In the competition for scarce resources, these conflicts are also prompted byand expressed in economic concerns. For example, Fletcher notes that one ofthe criticisms of the Khufiyya order in China was that their recitation of an Islamicreligious text entitled the Ming Sha Le took less time than the normalQur’anic readings as performed by non-Sufi clergy, and therefore Khufiyyaimams were cheaper to hire for ritual ceremonies. Fletcher suggests that this assistedtheir rise in popularity and contributed to the criticism they receivedfrom traditional religious leaders (Fletcher 1996, 21). Similarly, the ChineseMuslim reformists known as the y i h e w a n i criticized both traditional Muslimsand Sufis for only performing rituals in believers’ homes for profit, and condemnedsuch practices altogether. They summarized their position on suchmatters in the oft-repeated axiom “If you recite, do not eat; if you eat, do not recite”(Nian jing bu chi, chi bu nian jing). A 1958 document criticizing Ma Zhenwu,a Sufi s h a y k h of the Jahriyya order, contains the following revealing accusations:According to these representatives, Ma Chen-wu instituted many “A-mai-lis,” orfestival days to commemorate the dead ancestors to which the A-hungs must beinvited to chant the scriptures and be treated with big feasts, thereby squeezingmoney out of the living for the dead. For example, he has kept a record of thedays of birth and death of all the family members of his followers and has seen to