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Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

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1 5 2<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e s<strong>in</strong> Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, the expression of <strong>Islam</strong> has diversified as newsects have appeared, largely as a result of contacts with foreign Muslims. Theimpact of such contacts can easily be overstated, however. Not only are the governmentsnot happy, but there is also a general sentiment that deprecates foreignMuslims (whether Arabs, Pakistanis, or Turks) who preach rigorous obse rvance of <strong>Islam</strong>. Such approaches to <strong>Islam</strong> are seen as foreign and as notsuited to the temper of Central Asians.At the same time, the school system rema<strong>in</strong>s resolutely secular, with no religious<strong>in</strong>struction whatsoever <strong>in</strong> any country. This, aga<strong>in</strong>, is <strong>in</strong> marked contrastto Turkey, where the laicist regime nevertheless ensures that <strong>Islam</strong>, <strong>in</strong> an approvedand properly “nationalized” form, rema<strong>in</strong>s part of the moral educationof all pupils (Kaplan 1996). In Central Asia, religious <strong>in</strong>struction cont<strong>in</strong>ues<strong>in</strong> the private realm, although now it is not persecuted. A remarkablefeature of the cultural landscape s<strong>in</strong>ce the 1990s has been the emergence<strong>in</strong>to the open of o t i ns, women who teach children the basic tenets of faith,largely orally (Fathi 1998). Similarly, there has been a revival of Sufi orders,with shaykhs recruit<strong>in</strong>g disciples openly. Yet it is clear that <strong>in</strong>stead of be<strong>in</strong>g areturn to some k<strong>in</strong>d of “pure” Sufism, this phenomenon is redef<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g Sufismitself. As an Uzbek scholar has po<strong>in</strong>ted out, the adepts’ knowledge of the <strong>in</strong>tricaciesof Sufi ritual is often superficial, while older practices about <strong>in</strong>itiationare widely disregarded (Bobojonov 1998; see also Privratsky 2001). Contactswith Sufi fraternities abroad has been reestablished, and the renovatedshr<strong>in</strong>e of Baha’udd<strong>in</strong> Naqshband outside Bukhara receives large numbers ofvisitors from far afield, but national differences and language barriers haveproved to be very real.The revival of <strong>Islam</strong>ic vocabulary <strong>in</strong> a public sphere that rema<strong>in</strong>s de-<strong>Islam</strong>ized often produces <strong>in</strong>congruous results. In 2001, the press secretary ofthe Türkmenbashï took adulation to a new level when he wrote, “SaparmuratTürkmenbashï is a national prophet, sent to the Turkmen people <strong>in</strong> the thirdmillennium” (quoted <strong>in</strong> Arzybov 2001). The statement is blasphemous for thevast majority of Muslims, but it is nevertheless amus<strong>in</strong>g: Its comb<strong>in</strong>ation of theStal<strong>in</strong>ist rhetoric of Niyazov’s cult of personality with Soviet-style nationalismand <strong>Islam</strong> transforms an apparatchik <strong>in</strong>to a n a t i o n a l prophet sent to the Tu r k-men people for the third millennium of the Christian era!The Politics of AntifundamentalismSuch (attempted) use of <strong>Islam</strong>ic rhetoric rema<strong>in</strong>s unusual, however. Far moretypical today is the regimes’ use of “the <strong>Islam</strong>ic threat” (usually glossed as“Muslim extremism” or “Wahhabism”) to justify authoritarian policies. Themost extreme case is that of Uzbekistan. While the government of Uzbekistan

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