34 GuiebSayer (1995) argues that it is possible to have significant control orinfluence over a thing without necessarily owning it. In the case of namedplaces with no strong individual claims of rights, I contend that whatvillagers own is neither the place nor the resources in the place, but theinformation about the place and its resources. Names, in this sense,provide “a unique way of encoding information” (Cruikshank 1990:63). Asense of ownership of what I term as ‘village-encoded local ecologicalknowledge’ predisposes villagers to claim access to these resources.Central here is how they incorporate this knowledge into issues of tenureand the allocation of use rights that, in the process, rearrange divisionsamong islanders and between groups of islanders and non-villageindividuals, organisations and institutions. In the end, division ofencoded knowledge reconstitutes social relations among a wide range ofplayers engaged in the use and management of local resources.Derivation of place names: Identifying ecological featuresIslanders identify named places in Batasan to define markers thatdescribe their environment’s geo-ecological features, provide maritimedirections, frame physical and social boundaries, and set limits of marineand terrestrial activities. Some places in Batasan derive their names fromcertain ecological features of the sea (e.g., water current, and presence ofcorals and sand) or shoreline (shape and contour). For fishers andgleaners, knowledge about the ecological features of the marineenvironment provides them with a general sense of where to locate andcollect which species, and the appropriate fishing methods to use.Examples include a reef crest named Likiron, a curved angle orcorner that serves as a turning area (likiron) for boats. A reef patch calledTakot Tang-Tang has the appearance of pulling away from (tang-tang) themain reef. Paril sa Atbang is a sea wall that runs close to 2 kilometres inlength; the seawall is a pile of corals brought to the reef edge by strongwaves. It is called Paril sa Atbang (sea wall on the front shore) todifferentiate it from another sea wall at the back of the island (Paril saLuyó), which was formed only in the 1980s when the island was hit by astrong typhoon. A sea channel is called Masog or Masug for its strongcurrent; masog or masug is derived from makusog, the root word of whichis kusog, which means ‘strong’. Migrating fish pass through this channel,which is opportune for permanent barriers such as fish corrals. The headof a politically influential family in Batasan has secured a portion of thereef near this sea channel for his permanent fish corral. The contour of a
Place Names, Seascape and Cartography of Marine Rightsreef crest, called Mailok—shaped like an armpit (ilok)—also provides asuitable location for fish corrals. One male elderly of Batasan describedthis place as an area believed by some residents of Batasan as home tosmall sharks that guard precious pearls that thrive aplenty underwater.At the time of field research, a village council member, who is a son of theowner of the fish corral on Masog, had claimed a portion of Mailok for histwo permanent fish corrals, which he uses alternately depending on themonsoon winds. Like all fish corral owners, he pays the annual permitfees at the municipal fisheries office. Hence, he enjoys some form ofterritorial control on portions of the fishing ground, one of which is todisallow some types of fishing that tend to limit the entry of fish into hisfish corral. A fish corral is an example of a device that informs fishers ofthe owner’s jurisdiction over the territory and the presence of certainfishing restrictions near the site. I discuss in the latter part of this essay aconflict involving two families that resulted from alleged violations onfishing restrictions near this type of fishing structure.Because of the presence of good corals, Mailok is also preferred bygleaners and various types of fishers: spear fishers (mamanaay); drive-innet fishers (manikbungay); fishers using traps and pots to catch wrasses(manimingay); gill net fishers targeting big fish species (mamokotay pokotpanagko); lantern fishers collecting sea cucumbers and seahorses (manoayor manugaay); and collectors of tropical fish (manimilyaay), giant clams,and the highly valued Noble Tugonia shells (manambayang). Many namedplaces in Batasan with reef features similar to Mailok are consideredeconomically important fishing grounds by villagers from Batasan andnearby islands.Places are also named based on the extent or depth of fishinggrounds and various parts of the reef environment. Most of Batasan’sfishing grounds, such as shoals (awo or awong), crests and reef patches, arenamed using this system. Examples include Awo Dako (Big Shoal), Awosa Tunghaon Mabaw (shallow shoal at Tunghaon), Awo sa TunghaonLawom (deep shoal at Tunghaon), Kanjaru Mabaw (Shallow Kanjaru),Kanjaru Lawom (Deep Kanjaru), Kaungan Dako (Big Kaungan),Maybanak Dako (Big Maybanak), and Maybanak Gamay (SmallMaybanak).I must emphasise a few points about some of these shoals. Awo saKaungan used to be a favourite site of blast fishers from Batasan andnearby islands such as Coameng, Hambungan, Mocaboc and Bilangbilangan.‘Way tuog ang isda diri sa una (Fish never got a chance to sleep or35
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Wills, J. E. Jr. 2011. China and Ma