44 Guiebconservation. Village-encoded local ecological knowledge structuresresource use practices that frame places as ecological and social zones ofproduction, extraction and exchange, of accommodation and contestation.Encoded information provides villagers with a range of access claims anduse rights that may not necessarily indicate ownership of places as such.Toponyms and people: Mapping demography and encoding claimedplacesI now turn to places named after specific persons, and how theseplaces reflect the social geography of the islands and, to a certain extent,the negotiated territorial arrangements of villagers. In several instances,naming a place designates proper names of users of resources, which mayor may not predict forms of ownership or rights of a person to a place.First, it may simply be (1) a way of recognising a person’s occupancy, notnecessarily ownership, of a place, (2) a marker of a preferred site forfishing, gleaning or transit, or (3) a token of acknowledgement of aperson’s ‘discovery’ of a site. Second, places may be named after personsto designate ownership of a place from which emanates a degree ofterritorial control and a range of rights. Apparently, the scale ofproduction technology and the ties of a particular resource to commercialmarkets other than for subsistence influence the degree of territorial claimand character of relations of ownership. With either of the twopossibilities mentioned above, named places in Batasan include reefpatches, shoals, passageways, natural geo-ecological features, and sites offish corrals (bunsod) and fish shelters (amatong). I offer examples below toillustrate these two possibilities.Mapping demographic history: Remembering ancestors, acknowledgingoccupancyAs mentioned earlier, two submerged reefs off Batasan carry thenames of two fishers from the island who chanced upon them in the 1920sand 1930s: Takot Emong and Takot Adring. Two shoals, Awo Tiyay andAwo Kalda, were named after two of the island’s women gleaners, Tiyayand Kalda, respectively, who were often seen gleaning shells on the sites,specifically during the 1950s until the 1970s. Awo Tiyay is preferred bydouble-gill net fishers and reef gleaners, particularly those collectingNoble Tugonia white clams (tambayang). It is also frequented by Batasanresidents to extract sand and dead corals, which they use as constructionmaterials for their houses, rainwater tanks, and a fish shelter called
Place Names, Seascape and Cartography of Marine Rightsamatong.45Batong Keloy (Keloy’s Rocks) is a site claimed by a resident ofBatasan named Keloy (Tranquilino Ingente). Keloy piled up corals whichformed the base of his hut (payag) where he kept watch over his fishcorral. The hut he constructed on this pile of corals served as a restingplace (pahulayan) for fishers, particularly reef gleaners and torch or lanternfishers. Batong Keloy was also fondly called dangpanan, which means aplace sought for rest, temporary shelter or protection. Keloy has longpassed away. The pile of corals was allegedly collected by residents ofnearby Ubay Island. There are no more any indications that the site hadonce been the site of a fish corral and way station of fishers.Bakhaw ni Fausto is a site where mangroves planted by anotherBatasan resident, Fausto Pongcol, are located. This short strip ofmangroves served as a marker for Fausto to help him identify his locationin the sea. He planted these mangroves to aid him in his fishing because,at that time, he was starting to lose his eyesight.Neither the above-identified fishers and gleaners nor any memberof their families claimed the reefs, shoals or fishing grounds near thesesites. Having them named after these persons by their contemporaries didnot confer on them or any of their relatives and descendants any specialprivilege or entitlement to the use of the fishing ground or gleaning area.Fishers from Batasan and nearby coastal and island villages have access tothe sites without any need to seek their consent. In fact, Emong, Adringand their descendants willingly gave instructions to fishers on how tolocate ‘their’ reefs, providing them with landmarks that best identify thesites. Tiyay and Kalda had also accepted gleaners from the island andother villages into their namesake shoals.The shoals of Tiyay and Kalda, moreover, were favourite sites ofBatasan residents for their fish shelters called amatong, which are bestlocated in tidal areas with a sandy bottom that remain filled withseawater even at low tide. An amatong is a loosely knit structure ofmangrove branches, and corals, rocks or stones. Because not much capitalis needed to construct this type of fish shelter, almost anyone can engagein this method of fishing. Grouper fingerlings (for mariculture grow out)are the most common harvest.A female Batasan owner likens the amatong to a piggy bank (S.Mejares, personal communication, 2004). She compares the maintenanceof the unit to how a farmer maintains his rice fields to ensure a good
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Wills, J. E. Jr. 2011. China and Ma