faith on effective measures relating to the cessation clear weapons reductions, and a Republican president might be able to secure real reductions in trea- of the nuclear arms race at an early date, and to nuclear disarmament, and to general and complete ties more easily than a Democrat. Every U.S. president disarmament under strict and effective international since Nixon has made unilateral reductions to the control.” It is far better to direct a process to develop nuclear weapons stockpile, with the largest of those effective measures than only react to what could be made by Republican presidents. 2 unreasonable or impractical demands from outside. 4. The world has changed, but nuclear weapons 2. The nuclear disarmament “movement” is in the haven’t. Seventy years after their invention, nuclear game for the long run. The first nuclear disarmament weapons are still regarded as indispensable and prestigious by some, and atavistic and dangerous by others. campaigns began after World War II and they have ebbed and flowed with politics and crises. At a global They are still the currency of power, despite the fact No longer can we compartmentalize nuclear risks—where there are weapons, fissile material, or facilities, there will be threats and risks. that influence can be wielded across borders in so many other ways today. Their imperviousness to change stands in marked contrast to, for example, information technology and nanotechnology. As the world becomes increasingly interdependent and connected, the isolation these weapons require (for safety, security, and surety reasons) will become an increasingly difficult burden. stockpile of over 15,000 nuclear weapons today, we are closer to zero than we were at the height of the Cold War (70,000 nuclear weapons in 1986), but still very far away. Although some advocates of disarmament have called for “timebound” frameworks or conventions to ban nuclear weapons with a pen-stroke, few believe disarmament is quick or easy. Part of the challenge will be to acclimatize keepers of arsenals to lower and lower numbers. Fundamentally, the wider support for deep nuclear This has already happened over the last 30 years in cuts and for measurable progress toward disarmament is rooted in the recognition that the world has the United States and Russia, as the comfort zone for levels of deployed weapons slowly has dropped from changed. No longer can we compartmentalize nuclear risks—where there are weapons, fissile materi- 10,000 to 3,000 to 1,000 nuclear weapons. 3. The long-term trend is “less is more.” Russian and al, or facilities, there will be threats and risks. When U.S. nuclear forces are magnitudes larger than those President Obama called in 2009 in Prague for durable of any other country (both have between 7,000 and institutions to counter this “lasting threat,” he wasn’t 8,000 total deployed, nondeployed, and retired warheads). Although Russia is modernizing its forces, they readily responded to the call. As nuclear risks referring to the nuclear disarmament movement, but numbers are unlikely to go up. The end of the Obama rise, their nuclear messaging may become more, presidency does not necessarily mean the end of nu- rather than less, attractive. 2 Hans Kristensen, “How Presidents Arm and Disarm,” October 15, 2014, http://fas.org/blogs/security/2014/10/stockpilereductions/. 98 | Center for Strategic and International Studies
Missile Defense and Deterrence THOMAS KARAKO IN THE 1980S, COMMENTATORS PREDICTED THAT CONVENTIONAL PRECISION-STRIKE SYSTEMS WOULD BECOME CAPABLE OF STRATEGIC EFFECTS THAT FORMERLY ONLY NU- CLEAR WEAPONS COULD DO. Despite efforts to curtail their proliferation, the spread of delivery system technologies has instead produced a kind of “missile renaissance.” Recent technological, commercial, and geopolitical trends have contributed to a surge in the global supply and demand for unmanned, high-precision, and high-velocity delivery systems—and the means to defend against them. Global Forecast 2016 | 99
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2016 GLOBAL FORECAST editors CRAIG
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about csis For over 50 years, the C
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Introduction CRAIG COHEN WASHINGTON
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Reconnecting of Asia JOHN J. HAMRE
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America’s Changing Role in the Wo
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A selective engagement approach to
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tional, military, and economic mean
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ole in international affairs. Now w
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ISIS (Re)Writes History JON B. ALTE
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enth-century society of pious belie
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and daily exhibitions of terror and
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Iran after the Agreement ANTHONY H.
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understanding that the United State
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Israeli military leaders predict th
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Putin’s Europe HEATHER A. CONLEY
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far-right, anti-Semitic Jobbik part
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Predicting Russian behavior is hard
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A NATO Strategy for the Eastern Fla
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Sino-Russian Cooperation JEFFREY MA
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