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Amparo Castelló-Climent, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ... - Ivie

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Some studies have argued that the lack of consistency in the results is due<br />

to the fact that empirical studies estimate a linear mo<strong>de</strong>l whereas the true relation<br />

is not linear (e.g. Banerjee and Duflo (2003)). Other papers object that<br />

income inequality data may be a poor proxy for wealth inequality and, in or<strong>de</strong>r<br />

to palliate this shortcoming, they use the distribution of other assets to<br />

analyse the effect of inequality on growth. For example, Alesina and Rodrik<br />

(1994) or Deiniger and Squire (1998) also use data on land inequality to proxy<br />

wealth inequality. The results show that the effect of land inequality on economic<br />

growth in cross-sectional regressions is more robust than that of income<br />

inequality. However, the data on land inequality is very limited and it can not be<br />

used to estimate a dynamic panel data mo<strong>de</strong>l to check if cross-sectional results<br />

hold when we control for specific characteristics of countries whose omission<br />

may bias the estimated coefficients.<br />

Other important component of wealth as well as of the growth rate is the<br />

stock of human capital. In fact, in some theoretical mo<strong>de</strong>ls the source of inequality<br />

is mainly driven by inequality in the distribution of human capital (e.g.<br />

Glomm and Ravikumar (1992), Saint-Paul and Verdier (1993) or Galor and<br />

Tsiddon (1997)). In addition, the role played by human capital accumulation<br />

is also present in most of the mo<strong>de</strong>ls that analyse the relationship between inequality<br />

and growth. Un<strong>de</strong>r imperfect credit markets and indivisibilities in the<br />

accumulation of human capital, Galor and Zeira (1993) find that the greater the<br />

number of individuals with inheritances below a threshold level, the lower the<br />

average human capital in the economy and therefore the lower the growth rate.<br />

Recently, De la Croix and Doepke (2003) have <strong>de</strong>veloped a mo<strong>de</strong>l that analyses<br />

a new link between inequality and growth. This channel, based on differences<br />

in fertility rates, also gives an important role to the distribution of education<br />

in <strong>de</strong>termining the growth rates of the economies. In their mo<strong>de</strong>l households<br />

with lower human capital choose to have a higher number of children and less<br />

education for them, which increases the weight of lower skill individuals in the<br />

future and therefore lowers the average level of human capital and growth rates<br />

in the economy.<br />

The important role of education inequality in <strong>de</strong>termining the growth rates<br />

has also been pointed out by the empirical paper of Castello and Domenech<br />

(2002). This study inclu<strong>de</strong>s, in addition to income inequality, the distribution<br />

of education in the analysis of the relationship between inequality and growth.<br />

The interesting result is that the initial distribution of education seems to play<br />

a more robust role than that of the distribution of income in the estimation<br />

of cross-section regressions, suggesting that it is education inequality instead of<br />

income inequality what has had a discouraging effect on the growth rates. In<br />

particular, the negative effect of income inequality on economic growth, found<br />

in previous studies, disappears when they inclu<strong>de</strong> dummies for Latin American,<br />

Sub-Saharan Africa and East Asian countries, which implies that income<br />

inequality might be picking up specific characteristics of the regions. On the<br />

contrary, human capital inequality has a negative and quite robust effect on per<br />

econometric specification and the method used to measure inequality.<br />

4

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