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Media and Minorities

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128<br />

Charlton McIlwain<br />

But why is racialization important in this context? Why does the degree to<br />

which news media frame stories about Black deaths at the h<strong>and</strong>s of the state<br />

or citizens acting on its behalf as racial matter? It is important, in news media<br />

in particular, because race is always part of the politics of signification, of<br />

the contested terrain of framing what race means. It is also important because<br />

many parties (e.g., activists, policy makers, institutions, etc.) have a stake in<br />

how race is defined during these moments of rupture, protest, <strong>and</strong> when the<br />

disgusting underbelly of systemic, state-created or state-sanctioned racial injustice<br />

is exposed <strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong>s a response.<br />

On 16 March 2012, 18 days after Trayvon Martin was shot <strong>and</strong> killed, the<br />

New York Times’ columnist Charles Blow wrote a piece entitled “The Curious<br />

Case of Trayvon Martin.” After recounting Martin’s mother’s story of how she<br />

learned of her son’s death, Blow writes:<br />

Trayvon’s lifeless body was taken away, tagged <strong>and</strong> held. Zimmerman was taken into<br />

custody, questioned <strong>and</strong> released. Zimmerman said he was the one yelling for help.<br />

He said that he acted in self-defense. The police say that they have found no evidence<br />

to dispute Zimmerman’s claim.<br />

He adds, almost as an aside: “One other point: Trayvon is black. Zimmerman<br />

is not. Trayvon was buried on March 3. Zimmerman is still free <strong>and</strong> has not<br />

been arrested or charged with a crime.”14<br />

The purpose <strong>and</strong> consequence of racialization is demonstrated quite clearly<br />

here. Several (though not many) news outlets <strong>and</strong> journalists had reported<br />

on Martin’s death by this point. Blow’s article was among the first, if not the<br />

first, to argue that this was not just another tragic accident or senseless confrontation<br />

that went horribly awry. When Blow mentioned that Martin <strong>and</strong><br />

Zimmerman were of different races, he implied that the event was fundamentally<br />

racial <strong>and</strong> that the tragedy was not just the death of a teenager but that<br />

things always go this way in United States: Blacks are perpetually under suspicion,<br />

<strong>and</strong> law enforcement typically gives White’s the benefit of the doubt. In<br />

the end, Black people are doomed to rest in peace while Whites enjoy peace as<br />

well as life, liberty, <strong>and</strong> the right to continue to pursue their happiness.<br />

Racializing police misconduct is significant because it argues that the misconduct<br />

is just a symptom of an underlying problem — racism. Thus the underlying<br />

racial problem must be dealt with. While this may seem obvious in an<br />

opinion piece whose author clearly intends to persuade, racial framing works<br />

the same way in texts, such as news headlines, not intended to persuade. In<br />

such contexts, racial framing, whether implicit or explicit, intentional or unmotivated,<br />

influences how people think. Robert Entman makes this clear in<br />

14 http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/17/opinion/blow-the-curious-case-of-trayvon-martin.<br />

html?_r=0.<br />

© 2016, V<strong>and</strong>enhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen<br />

ISBN Print: 9783525300886 — ISBN E-Book: 9783666300882

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