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Media and Minorities

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188<br />

Georg Ruhrmann<br />

Scientific Evidence <strong>and</strong> Distorted News Coverage<br />

Journalists increasingly report on scientific studies of immigration <strong>and</strong> integration.<br />

At the same time, however, the scientists who conduct those studies<br />

notice that media coverage is often summary <strong>and</strong> frequently focuses on isolated<br />

or sensational findings taken out of their context. Critical studies also<br />

show that the media sometimes present the complex findings of social science<br />

research in distorted or incomplete ways <strong>and</strong>, in particular, fail to consider the<br />

addressed epistemological dimensions.35 Journalists often are not interested<br />

in theoretical <strong>and</strong> methodological advances or are they sensitive to the fragility<br />

of new evidence based on these findings. Instead, they select for coverage<br />

isolated aspects or single cases that are spectacular or especially relevant to<br />

the public’s interests. These can then easily be used in immigration-policy<br />

controversies as alleged proof of politically motivated positions. Journalists<br />

justify their selections in terms of their obligation to inform the public or the<br />

legitimacy of following up on the earlier reporting of their colleagues, who report<br />

on scientific research in a similar manner. Figure 2 illustrates how this<br />

happens.<br />

Scientific studies from all levels of the evidence hierarchy are subject to<br />

common journalistic selection criteria <strong>and</strong> strategies. These include gatekeeping,<br />

news factors, news frames, <strong>and</strong> news biases. Coverage depends, in the<br />

first place, on the feasibility of a study’s subject matter as a story, which in<br />

cludes the quick availability of images <strong>and</strong> text <strong>and</strong> the study’s fit into established<br />

journalistic forms. For example, journalists seek objectivity <strong>and</strong> balance<br />

in the form of points <strong>and</strong> counterpoints. A study’s evaluation of practical<br />

opportunities <strong>and</strong> risks are also relevant. (See fig. 2.)36 But, journalists do not<br />

then simply describe actual studies. Instead, they select interesting aspects<br />

<strong>and</strong> details in accord with sound journalistic practice. (See the top of fig. 2.)<br />

Journalistic selection criteria include a study’s innovativeness, its political <strong>and</strong><br />

social relevance, its problems <strong>and</strong> risks for the population that it addresses,<br />

<strong>and</strong> the social or economic benefit of its results.<br />

The immigration-policy debate in Germany offers several examples of<br />

these in the forms of appeals, manifestos, <strong>and</strong> disputes among experts. These<br />

35 See Martyn Hammerley, <strong>Media</strong> Bias in Reporting Social Research? The Case of Reviewing<br />

Ethnic Inequalities in Education (New York: Routledge, 2006), 135–155 <strong>and</strong> Sharon<br />

Dunwoody, “Journalistic Practice <strong>and</strong> Coverage of the Behavioral <strong>and</strong> Social Science,”<br />

in H<strong>and</strong>book on Communicating <strong>and</strong> Disseminating Behavioral Science, eds. Melissa<br />

L. Welch-Ross <strong>and</strong> Lauren G. Fasig (Los Angeles <strong>and</strong> London: Sage, 2007), 57–72.<br />

36 Georg Ruhrmann <strong>and</strong> Lars Guenther, “Risk communication,” in Oxford Bibliographies<br />

(Oxford <strong>and</strong> New York: Oxford University Press, 2014); http://www.oxfordbibliographies.<br />

com/view/document/obo-9780199756841/obo-9780199756841–0156.xml (accessed 21 July<br />

2015).<br />

© 2016, V<strong>and</strong>enhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen<br />

ISBN Print: 9783525300886 — ISBN E-Book: 9783666300882

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