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China: Suspected Acquisition of U.S. Nuclear Weapon Secrets

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CRS-11<br />

Secretary Hazel O’Leary) for its policies. Prather cited three policies as responsible<br />

for security problems at the labs: support for the CTBT; a “reckless policy” <strong>of</strong><br />

unprecedented “openness” that declassified much nuclear weapon information, so<br />

that spying was unnecessary; and engaging the PRC nuclear weapon establishment<br />

with the DOE’s lab-to-lab exchanges. 35<br />

<strong>China</strong> Confirmed Its Neutron Bomb. On July 15, 1999, the PRC<br />

government issued a response denying the Cox Committee’s charges that <strong>China</strong> stole<br />

U.S. secrets. In the report was a short paragraph acknowledging that <strong>China</strong> had the<br />

neutron bomb. The statement said <strong>China</strong> mastered “in succession the neutron bomb<br />

technology and nuclear weapon miniaturization technology.” In addition, “since<br />

<strong>China</strong> has already possessed atom bomb and H-bomb technologies, it is quite logical<br />

and natural for it to master the neutron bomb technology through its own efforts over<br />

a reasonable period <strong>of</strong> time.” 36<br />

PFIAB (Rudman) Report<br />

For a parallel review, on March 18, 1999, President Clinton appointed former<br />

Senator Warren Rudman, head <strong>of</strong> the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory<br />

Board (PFIAB), to undertake a review <strong>of</strong> how the government handled security<br />

challenges at the labs over the last 20 years. The PFIAB’s special investigative<br />

panel, with four members, reviewed over 700 documents and interviewed over 100<br />

witnesses — who apparently had concerns about reprisals and asked that they not be<br />

named. On June 15, 1999, the PFIAB issued an unprecedented unclassified report,<br />

with findings and recommendations for both the Executive and Legislative<br />

Branches. 37 These findings and recommendations are summarized below.<br />

Findings.<br />

! Twenty years after the creation <strong>of</strong> DOE, most <strong>of</strong> its security<br />

problems “still exist today.”<br />

! The national labs “have been and will continue to be a major target<br />

<strong>of</strong> foreign intelligence services, friendly as well as hostile.”<br />

! “Organizational disarray, managerial neglect, and a culture <strong>of</strong><br />

arrogance — both at DOE headquarters and the labs themselves —<br />

conspired to create an espionage scandal waiting to happen.”<br />

35 Prather, James Gordon, “A Technical Reassessment <strong>of</strong> the Conclusions and Implications<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Cox Committee’s Report,” July 8, 1999. See also: Jack Kemp’s press release, July<br />

8, 1999, and Robert D. Novak, “Republican <strong>China</strong>-Bashing,” Washington Post, July 12,<br />

1999. For copies <strong>of</strong> report, contact Jack Kemp’s <strong>of</strong>fice or Home Page <strong>of</strong> Polyconomics, Inc.<br />

36 PRC, Information Office <strong>of</strong> the State Council, “Facts Speak Louder Than Words and Lies<br />

Will Collapse by Themselves — Further Refutation <strong>of</strong> the Cox Report,” July 15, 1999.<br />

37 President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, Special Investigative Panel, Science at<br />

its Best, Security at its Worst: A Report on Security Problems at the U.S. Department <strong>of</strong><br />

Energy, unclassified, June 1999.

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