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EU Elections

EUobserver's guide to the 2024 European Parliament Elections.

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<strong>EU</strong>ROPEAN ELECTIONS<br />

Momentum<br />

The Qatargate corruption scandal,<br />

which saw a handful of MEPs arrested by<br />

the Belgian police, including parliament<br />

vice-president Eva Kaili, and the seizure<br />

of €1.5m in cash, could have injected<br />

momentum into the <strong>EU</strong>’s transparency<br />

agenda.<br />

The revelations that Qatar, Morocco and<br />

Mauritania had allegedly bought off a<br />

handful of MEPs and officials for influence<br />

in the parliament to push their interests,<br />

among them to try to water down<br />

<strong>EU</strong> criticism of Qatar’s record on labour<br />

rights ahead of the 2022 World Cup, and<br />

of Morocco’s human rights record, shone<br />

a light on the easy access to <strong>EU</strong> lawmakers<br />

enjoyed by foreign governments and<br />

lobby groups, not to mention the importance<br />

such countries attach to boosting<br />

their image in Brussels.<br />

But despite the promises of radical reform,<br />

including a 14-point plan by parliament<br />

president Roberta Metsola to<br />

tackle corruption, the results are less impressive<br />

than the rhetoric.<br />

In 2023, the parliament reformed its<br />

own internal rules of procedure to prevent<br />

special interest groups from hosting<br />

events on the parliament’s premises, a<br />

six-month ban on former MEPs lobbying<br />

their old colleagues, and requirements<br />

for MEPs to record any gifts received or<br />

side incomes above €5,000. By a narrow<br />

majority, MEPs appear to favour banning<br />

themselves from holding second jobs,<br />

though no rules have been adopted to<br />

put this in place.<br />

That may reduce the access of foreign<br />

interests to the <strong>EU</strong> institutions, but it is<br />

hard to imagine that these rules would<br />

have prevented Qatargate had they been<br />

in place.<br />

Indeed, the fact that none of the MEPs<br />

and officials arrested and charged since<br />

December 2022 are likely to go to trial<br />

before polling day in June suggests that<br />

the Belgian police investigation has also<br />

lost momentum.<br />

Meanwhile, plans for a proposed independent<br />

<strong>EU</strong> ethics body – demanded by<br />

MEPs in the wake of the Qatargate probe<br />

- have been scaled down to an advisory<br />

body with a skeleton staff and no powers<br />

of investigation.<br />

“The proposal lacks the teeth to apply the<br />

same ethics standards across all <strong>EU</strong> institutions,”<br />

said Gaby Bischoff, vice president<br />

of the S&D group, describing it as “a<br />

missed opportunity”.<br />

Missed opportunity<br />

It is a similar story when it comes to the<br />

Foreign Agents Law which was finally<br />

unveiled by the European Commission<br />

on 12 December 2023.<br />

Commission officials argue that the draft<br />

law is designed to protect European democracy<br />

by imposing transparency obligations<br />

on funds or links to third countries<br />

on organisations that seek to impact<br />

public opinion and politics.<br />

It would require lobbyists and diplomats<br />

carrying out interest representation activities<br />

on behalf of a third country to<br />

register in a transparency register, with<br />

any payments received and details of<br />

the activities carried out on behalf of the<br />

client to be disclosed on registers that<br />

would be publicly accessible.<br />

Commissioner Jourová insisted that the<br />

directive “is not a foreign agent law”. But<br />

MEPs were largely underwhelmed by its<br />

contents and by the fact that by landing<br />

in December, just six months before the<br />

European elections, the chances of the<br />

file getting approved by both parliament<br />

and Council of Ministers before the <strong>EU</strong><br />

institutions go into the pre-election purdah<br />

period were very slim.<br />

Civil society groups, for their part, see<br />

the draft law as a political mistake and<br />

a missed opportunity. They point out<br />

that Georgia and Hungary were urged to<br />

scrap their own foreign agents’ laws by<br />

the <strong>EU</strong> commission, and that the draft<br />

law, which would give member states<br />

significant room for interpretation when<br />

transposing it into national law, is similar<br />

to Hungary’s law on foreign funding<br />

of NGOs which Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz<br />

government has used to crack down on<br />

critical NGOs and groups promoting LG-<br />

BTQI+ rights.<br />

The law “will not only be ineffective,<br />

but it will also be dangerous,” according<br />

to Transparency International’s Vitor<br />

Teixeira.<br />

“If the commission really wanted to protect<br />

democracy, it would cast the net<br />

wide and raise transparency standards<br />

for all interest representatives — foreign-funded<br />

or not,” he added.<br />

Instead, activists say, the commission<br />

should have proposed a more modest<br />

pan-European lobby register via an ‘<strong>EU</strong><br />

Lobby Act’, which would also cover national<br />

lobbying on <strong>EU</strong> matters. ◄<br />

About<br />

Benjamin Fox<br />

Benjamin Fox is <strong>EU</strong>observer’s<br />

Africa correspondent in Nairobi.<br />

13

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