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Table 13.1 Forecast for the size of the Government Pension Fund (NOK billions)<br />

1 January 2001<br />

Billion NOK<br />

386.6<br />

1 January 2002 619.3<br />

1 January 2003 604.6<br />

1 January 2004 847.1<br />

1 January 2005 1 011.5<br />

1 January 2006 1 390.1<br />

1 January 2007 1 782.8<br />

1 January 2008 2 018.5<br />

1 January 2009 2 300.0<br />

1 January 2010 2 793.6<br />

1 January 2011 3 215.3<br />

1 January 2012 3 609.9<br />

1 January 2013 4 013.1<br />

1 January 2014 4 391.6<br />

1 January 2015 4 769.1<br />

Source: www.norges-bank.no, March 12, 2010<br />

(Listhaug 2005a: 847-848; Narud and Valen 2007: 277), and this is also the case in<br />

general, although the mass support for spending varies somewhat over time.<br />

The effect of oil wealth managed in the oil fund is that it creates expectations<br />

that cannot be met. For political trust Listhaug (2005a: 839) writes: “The most<br />

important effect is that it (the oil fund) created a contrast frustration gap. Political<br />

parties, especially the Progress Party and the Socialist Left Party,1 as well as important<br />

interest organisations and advocacy groups, immediately started to observe<br />

the contrast between important tasks and problems that cannot be solved within<br />

the constraints of current state budgets, and the pile of money that steadily grows<br />

under the label of the oil fund. But this pile of money cannot be accessed easily: it is<br />

likely that frustrations caused by seeing the cake and not be able to eat it, if shared<br />

by many citizens, may undermine political trust.” Indeed, studies by Aardal (2003,<br />

2007), Listhaug (2005a) and Danielsen (2009) show that voters who want to spend<br />

more of the oil fund money are more distrusting than voters who want to keep<br />

spending at the current level or spend less. Moreover, on the basis of the European<br />

Social Survey (ESS) data Listhaug (2005a) finds that political trust in Norway is<br />

high when compared with other countries, but that the comparative trust advantage<br />

of the country has declined in the most recent period in which the impact of<br />

the oil economy has grown. Extending the comparative data analysis of Listhaug<br />

(2005a) to the years 2004 through 2008, Danielsen (2009) finds that comparative<br />

trust improved for these years, but that Norway was not able to move to the top in<br />

trust ratings, a position that the country had held in many studies from the 1980s.<br />

lIsthAug / nArud / 242

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