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WAR IN THE HELLENISTIC WORLD

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<strong>THE</strong> DISCOURSE OF <strong>WAR</strong><br />

[paraspasamenon spheterisasthai], and then Philip. As for himself, he was not<br />

by taking advantage of Philip’s difficulties to take possession [ktasthai] of<br />

these areas, but he was regaining possession [anaktasthai], making also use of<br />

his right [dikaia].<br />

In Antiochos’ view, the victory at Kouropedion (281 BC) had established<br />

the righteous claim of his family on areas earlier occupied by the defeated<br />

party (Lysimachos). We may be certain that this was not only Antiochos’<br />

view. Part of the land acquired by Seleukos after this victory was sold by his<br />

son and successor Antiochos I to the city of Pitane. Later documents (Ager<br />

1996: no. 146, lines 130–50) show that this transaction was regarded as<br />

lawful by Philetairos, Eumenes I, and the Pergamene arbitrators.<br />

But if violence constitutes a legitimate form of acquisition of property,<br />

then why did Antiochos deny this right to the Romans? The explanation is<br />

that the exact circumstances of conquest affected the legitimacy of ownership<br />

through victory in war (see, e.g., Aeschines 2.33; SEG XXXIX 1426,<br />

lines 19–27). Whether the land was taken from its lawful owners in open<br />

war, or “robbed” in a moment in which they had their attention deflected<br />

elsewhere, and whether the war was just or unprovoked and unjust, affected<br />

the right of conquest. Violent occupation of land or property was regarded<br />

as a legitimate form of acquisition, no less legitimate than inheritence,<br />

purchase or donation. When the parties to a conflict based their claims on<br />

different arguments neither the arbitrators nor the adversaries gave priority<br />

to a certain type of argument over another (e.g., inheritance over conquest),<br />

but determined a terminus a quo for the possession. The exact conditions of<br />

the act of violence were important factors. Two questions played an important<br />

part: did the conquest take place in a direct confrontation between the<br />

owner and the aggressor (e.g., Dem. 18.181), and was the war justified?<br />

These distinctions in no way limited the validity of violence as a basis for<br />

property claims in international law. The right of conquest was not questioned<br />

or criticized. What was questioned were the circumstances, not the<br />

principle.<br />

This idea that a victory in war establishes proprietary rights was connected<br />

with the belief that success – in violent activities such as war, piracy,<br />

or raids – could not be achieved without the support of the gods (cf. I.Ilion<br />

32, lines 10–11: kai to daimonion eunoun kai sunergon; Syll. 3 700: enikesen<br />

. . . meta tes ton theon pronoias), who of course received their share of the<br />

booty (e.g., SEG L 936, lines 8–9). Victory was viewed as the punishment<br />

of the defeated party, as the expression “the verdict of victory” implies<br />

(Polyb. 13.3.4; Ager 1996: no. 74 I, lines 105–6).<br />

In the Hellenistic period, the idea that victory in war establishes rights<br />

became one of the most important constituents of the ideology of Hellenistic<br />

monarchy. The representation of trophies on the coins of the Antigonids<br />

(Reinach 1913) or of military motifs (elephants, helmets) on those of the<br />

183

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