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WAR IN THE HELLENISTIC WORLD

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HOW <strong>WAR</strong> SHAPED <strong>THE</strong> <strong>HELLENISTIC</strong> <strong>WORLD</strong><br />

to a more privileged group of foreigmers as isoteleis (“bearing equal burdens”<br />

as the citizens) and to be given the right to own a house and land and to<br />

participate in campaigns and military contributions on the same terms as the<br />

citizens. Even then, they never actually attained citizen status.<br />

The request for financial contributions often gave foreigners an opportunity<br />

to be part of the joint defense efforts (see chapter 7, section 1; Migeotte<br />

1992: 358–63; e.g., IG VII 4263 = Maier 1959: no. 26). The aforementioned<br />

example concerns two individuals; a massive and far more radical<br />

breaking of legal boundaries was effected by the liberation, occasionally<br />

even the enfranchisement, of slaves as the ultimate effort to prevent a defeat<br />

(see chapter 2, section 2).<br />

In the realm of monarchies, such measures were unlikely to occur at a<br />

comparable scale, but even here a great crisis could trigger measures which<br />

had lasting effects. The outstanding services of professional soldiers in a<br />

crisis promoted their careers and the position of their families (see chapter<br />

4, section 2). This form of social mobility was natural, frequent, but not<br />

massive, unlike the measures taken by Ptolemy IV, when he recruited native<br />

Egyptians – the so-called machimoi – into his army for the first time, during<br />

the Fourth Syrian War (219 BC). These measures had a lasting impact on<br />

the lives of thousands, and the self-confidence won by the Egyptian machimoi<br />

because of their contribution to victory at the Battle of Rhaphia ultimately<br />

led to the native revolts of the second century (Thompson 2003: 115).<br />

In a much more material sense, mobility in the Hellenistic age meant<br />

the massive movement of populations: the carrying away of prisoners of war<br />

(women and children in particular), the migration of populations of destroyed<br />

cities, the relocation of captives or hostages (Amit 1970), deserters,<br />

and runaway slaves, the expulsion of unpleasant intellectuals (Fraser 1972:<br />

86–8; Austin 2001: 90), and the service of mercenaries. With the notable<br />

exceptions of mercenary service and the settlement of populations in military<br />

colonies, the mobility of people caused by Hellenistic wars was involuntary<br />

and frequently huge. Mobility caused by war had significant social<br />

implications, since its specific form depended on gender (e.g., fugitive men,<br />

captured women), age (children versus adults), and status (citizen versus<br />

non-citizen, free versus enslaved, wealthy versus poor).<br />

Sometimes the relocation of individuals or larger groups was only temporary,<br />

but more frequently it was lasting. Examples of mass relocations should<br />

not make us forget about the fate of individuals – for example, the story<br />

of Epikles of Axos. His tale is narrated in a letter sent by the Cretan city of<br />

Axos to the Aitolians (early second century BC; Syll. 3 622 B = I.Cret. II.v 19;<br />

see chapter 6, section 4). In this letter the magistrates of Axos claimed on<br />

behalf of their citizen Epikles citizen rights in Aitolia on the basis of a treaty.<br />

To justify this claim, they tell of the adventures of Epikles’ family. Eraton,<br />

a citizen of Axos, had come as a mercenary to Cyprus, where he married a<br />

woman of unknown name and origin. This woman gave birth to two sons,<br />

249

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