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WAR IN THE HELLENISTIC WORLD

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HOW <strong>WAR</strong> SHAPED <strong>THE</strong> <strong>HELLENISTIC</strong> <strong>WORLD</strong><br />

The forms and content of cultural interaction ranged from setting up an<br />

inscription with the names of the months of the Egyptian calendar in Samos,<br />

probably to serve the needs of the members of the Ptolemaic garrison (IG<br />

XII.6.1 218), to mixed marriages among the family members of soldiers of<br />

different origins (see chapter 6, section 2), to the introduction of new cults.<br />

The dedication to a Pisidian god with a Greek name (Ares Nikephoros<br />

Euagros) somewhere in the Egyptian desert, the worship of the gods of<br />

Samothrake in Koptos in Egypt and of Egyptian gods in Crete by Therean<br />

and Roman officers of the Ptolemies respectively, or the cult of Artemis in<br />

the Arabian Gulf, are only a few examples of the religious complexities to<br />

which Hellenistic armies contributed (see chapter 8, section 2).<br />

The impact was, naturally, stronger and more lasting in military settlements.<br />

The new settlers from Macedonia and the Greek city states brought<br />

new institutions (e.g., the gymnasium, athletic and musical competitions)<br />

and cults (see chapter 8, section 2). They became accustomed to local<br />

practices, as evidence from Ptolemaic Egypt suggests, thanks to the numerous<br />

papyri. After a few generations, the settlers interacted with the native<br />

population, adopted Egyptian names, and even learned the native language.<br />

Mixed marriages became more common, and the amalgamation of Greek and<br />

Egyptian cultural elements gradually intensified. We have already observed<br />

this development in the family of Dryton of Crete (see chapter 6, section<br />

2), and another example is provided by the four daughters of Ptolemaios<br />

of Kyrene, who lived in Pathyris (ca. 147–127 BC) and adopted Egyptian<br />

names next to their Greek one: Apollonia-Semmonthis, Ammonia-Semminis,<br />

Herakleia-Senapathis, and Herais-Tasris (SB 4638; Launey 1987: 676;<br />

Pomeroy 1984: 103–24).<br />

But no matter how abundant the evidence for a multifaceted interaction<br />

between the natives and foreign mercenaries, garrison troops or settlers<br />

(see chapter 5, section 4), or between soldiers of different origins may be,<br />

it cannot entirely overshadow the evidence for ethnic and cultural confrontation<br />

triggered by war and military mobility. The assimilation of the<br />

Macedonian King Antigonos Gonatas with the Persians by his enemies on<br />

the eve of the Chremonidean War, his stigmatization as an enemy of Greek<br />

freedom, and his implicit exclusion from the Hellenic world is a rather<br />

harmless case of ethnic discrimination.<br />

Many other cases of “ethnic stereotyping” are directly related to warfare:<br />

the Cretans were characterized with the cliché of being “ever brigands and<br />

pirates, not righteous” because of their raids (Anth.Gr. 7.654; see Perlman<br />

1999), and the same activity made the Aitolians famous for their “inherent<br />

greed, enslaved by which they always lead a life of greed resembling wild<br />

beasts, regarding no one as a friend and everyone as their enemy” (Polyb.<br />

4.3.1, see chapter 7, section 3), while a decree of Chersonesos refers to the<br />

faithlessness of the Skythians which is inherent in their nature (IOSPE I 2<br />

352). The revolt of the Maccabees in the Seleukid kingdom may not have<br />

251

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