WOE UNTO YOU, LAWYERS!
WOE UNTO YOU, LAWYERS!
WOE UNTO YOU, LAWYERS!
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
They made of labor’s “Magna Charta” something strangely resembling Germany’s<br />
“scrap of paper.” And all in the name of The Law.<br />
Of course, Chief Justice Taft and his court would have found it far more<br />
difficult to do this if other lawyers had not played a leading part in writing the<br />
Clayton Act. Section 20 was full of those typically meaningless words, like<br />
“willfully” and “maliciously.” It said, for instance, that federal courts could not stop<br />
strikers from picketing “lawfully.” “Lawfully,” according to Chief Justice Taft,<br />
meant in accordance with The Law before Clayton Act was passed. Before the<br />
Clayton Act was passed, the lawyers had ruled that just about all picketing was<br />
against The Law. Therefore it still was. Q. E. D. And, incidentally, the Supreme<br />
Court did almost the same thing with the whole of the Clayton Act by picking on<br />
other meaningless legalistic words to prove that most trusts were not trusts and most<br />
monopolies were not monopolies – according to The Law. You can change the laws<br />
all you please, but you can’t change The Law. And The Law is what counts.<br />
It would, moreover, be a mistake to jump to the conclusion that Chief Justice<br />
Taft and his court “interpreted” Section 20 of the Clayton Act into complete oblivion<br />
merely because they didn’t like unions or strikes or picketing. For Taft, in the course<br />
of explaining at great length why Section 20 did not really mean a thing, went out of<br />
his way to include in his opinion a rousing defense of labor unions. Of course, this<br />
defense did not do the unions any good after Taft got through with it. The point is<br />
that Taft was insisting to his fellow-lawyers – the only people who ever read or<br />
understand judicial opinions – that is disappointing the unions he was merely<br />
following The Law. The choice, however distasteful, was forced upon him. For it is<br />
part of the legal legend that no lawyer – not even when he becomes a Supreme Court<br />
justice – ever does any more than explain what The Law is and how it applies. He is<br />
merely the voice through which the great gospel is made known to men.<br />
Moreover, The Law can do strange things to man-made laws even when, as<br />
very rarely happens, such laws are not so full of “willfullys” and “maliciouslys” and<br />
“lawfullys” that they practically invite the lawyers to write their own ticket. For<br />
example, there was the Guffey Coal Act, involving federal regulation of the coal<br />
industry. The Supreme Court first said that most of the important parts of the Act<br />
were unconstitutional. Now, saying that a law is unconstitutional is really no more<br />
than a convenient way of saying that it goes against The Law. But the whole idea of<br />
constitutionality and unconstitutionality is so mixed up with notions like patriotism<br />
and politics, as well as with the most sacred and complicated of all legal rules, that it<br />
deserves and will get full treatment a little later on. The point here is that, after<br />
saying part of the Guffey Act was unconstitutional, the judges went on to say that the<br />
good part had to be thrown out with the bad part. Not unreasonable perhaps, on the<br />
fact of it. Not unreasonable until you learn that Congress, foreseeing what the<br />
14