WOE UNTO YOU, LAWYERS!
WOE UNTO YOU, LAWYERS!
WOE UNTO YOU, LAWYERS!
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But the Supreme Court, as might be expected, has an answer to all this. It is in<br />
the form of sub-principle or exception to the primary principle. It is that Congress<br />
may delegate to other people the power to fill in the details of a law, but not the<br />
power really to make a law. That lets out all the commissions and the departments<br />
and the rest, and doubtless lets Congress breathe a lot easier. But when the N.I.R.A.<br />
came up for review, despite the fact that Congress had certainly passed the law, and,<br />
as usual, filled numerous pages with its written provisions, the Court said Congress<br />
was handing over its law-making power to the keepers of the Blue Eagle. Why the<br />
Recovery Administration was really making laws whereas the National Labor<br />
Board, for instance, is merely filling details, only the Supreme Court knows and it<br />
won’t tell. It is much too busy expounding Constitutional Law.<br />
Perhaps the best-known of those pieces of the Highest Law of the Land that<br />
the Court has manufactured out of ethereal logic with no help at all from the words<br />
of the document is the piece that deals with the federal government taxing the state<br />
governments and vice versa. It all started with Chief Justice Marshall’s famous<br />
bromide that “the power to tax involves the power to destroy.” Therefore, argued<br />
Marshall, with his Court chiming in, we can’t have the states laying taxes on the<br />
property or the activities or the bounds or the employees of the federal government<br />
and we can’t have the federal government levying taxes on the states either. For if<br />
we allowed such taxes, one of our governments might insidiously destroy the other.<br />
Even if there isn’t anything about it in the Constitution, such taxes are<br />
unconstitutional. As a matter of principle.<br />
It developed, as it always does, that there were sub-principles. The Court<br />
discovered one to the effect that the federal government, while it could not tax the<br />
“governmental functions” of the state governments, could tax the<br />
“non-governmental functions” of the state governments – which may sound<br />
confusing to a non-lawyer in that it is hard to think of something done by a<br />
government being non-governmental, but which was perfectly clear to the Supreme<br />
Court. Also, while a “direct” tax levied by a state on something connected with the<br />
federal government was all wrong, an “indirect” tax was all right. Now, for some<br />
reason wrung from the metaphysical reaches of Constitutional Law, the Court<br />
considers an inheritance tax an “indirect” tax. Therefore any state can slap on a tax<br />
when a man dies and leaves his federal bonds to his wife. But since an income tax is<br />
a “direct” tax, no state can tax the man – or his wife either – on the income he makes<br />
from those federal bonds. Presumably – going back to the primary principle – such<br />
a tax might destroy the federal government.<br />
The corresponding immunity of state bonds from the federal income tax raises<br />
yet another question. Can you necessarily change the Supreme Court’s notions<br />
about Constitutional Law even by amending the Constitution? Apparently not. For<br />
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