Emphatic Polarity and C in Spanish - Lear

EMPHATIC POLARITY AND C IN SPANISH
(19) a. S’ha ben enfadat quan li ho han dit.
(He/she) CL has really got angry when (they) to him/her it have
said
‘(S)he got really angry when they told him/her’
b. T’ho pots ben creure.
(You) CL it can indeed believe
‘You can indeed believe it’
Examination of the relative ordering of bien and pronominal clitics reveals
the existence of a further parallelism between this adverb and pre-verbal
negative markers. Note that bien, like no, has to precede all clitics, as shown
in (17b)-(17c) and (20)-(21):
(20) a. Bien se lo dije.
(I) well CL DAT CLACC said
‘I indeed told him/her’
b. *Se lo bien dije.
(21) a. No se lo dije.
(I) not CL DAT CLACC said
‘I did not tell him/her’
b. *Se lo no dije
Under the assumption that pronominal clitics attach to the I head (see Kayne
(1989)), it can easily be concluded that bien, on a par with no, has to occur in
a functional projection above IP, as proposed in (10).
To sum up: the distributional data just discussed provide relevant
evidence that the parallelisms between bien and preverbal negative marker
no are in fact quite tight. Both elements surface in a high position above IP
and take sentential scope. This pattern contrasts with the behavior of its
Romance equivalents such as Catalan ben (as well as French bien and Italian
ben), which occupy a lower position in the hierarchical structure.
3.2. Bien as a degree-modifier
Besides its regular use as a pre-verbal emphatic positive marker, bien may
also appear in a low position and take scope over a single constituent rather
than over the whole sentence:
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