Emphatic Polarity and C in Spanish - Lear

(77) a. ¡Que tengas suerte!
That (you) haveSUBJ luck!
‘May you have good luck!’
b. *¡Que bien tengas suerte!
M. LLUÏSA HERNANZ
(78) a. ¡Ojalá cantara la soprano!
OJALÁ would sing the soprano!
‘If only the soprano would sing!’
b. *¡Ojalá bien cantara la soprano!
Thirdly, auxiliary modal poder (“may”), when used in its deontic reading of
“to be allowed”, is also incompatible with bien. As the following contrast
shows, bien and the “permission” meaning of bien in (79b) are mutually
exclusive:
(79) a. Puede usted sentarse. poder = “to be allowed”
May you sit down
‘Sit down, please’ ‘You may sit down’
b. *Bien puede usted sentarse. poder ≠ “to be allowed”
Finally, an additional piece of evidence which points in the same direction,
namely that bien is banned from constructions qualifying as directive speech
acts, is provided by the behavior of this particle with predicates such as
ordenar (“to order”), pedir (“to ask”), prometer (“to promise”), etc. Note
that the presence of bien is incompatible with the illocutionary reading of
these predicates as verbal actions, which is attested by the ill-formed
examples in (80):
(80) a. *Bien te ordeno que te calles.
Well (I) CLDAT order that (you) CL remain silent
b. *Bien te pido que salgas de aquí.
Well (I) CLDAT ask that (you) leave
c. *Bien te prometo que todo se arreglará.
Well (I) CLDAT promise that everything will be all right
The examples in (80) contrast with those in (81), where the predicates
alluded to do not fulfill all the necessary requirements for the performative
reading (that is, they are inflected in past tense and take subjects other than a
first pronominal person). As a result, they do not render the illocutionary
force of a directive speech act; rather, they are interpreted as statements
allowing for bien to freely appear:
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