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Emphatic Polarity and C in Spanish - Lear

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(2) Pepito no come pasta.<br />

Pepito not eats pasta<br />

‘Pepito does not eat pasta’<br />

M. LLUÏSA HERNANZ<br />

The goal of this paper is to address the study of a particular type of emphatic<br />

positive marker <strong>in</strong> <strong>Spanish</strong>, the particle bien (literally, “well”), which may<br />

appear either <strong>in</strong> a preverbal position or followed by the complementizer que<br />

(“that”), as illustrated <strong>in</strong> (3a) <strong>and</strong> (3b), respectively:<br />

(3) a. Bien come pasta Pepito.<br />

Well eats pasta Pepito<br />

‘But Pepito eats pasta’<br />

b. Bien que come pasta Pepito.<br />

Well that eats pasta Pepito<br />

‘But Pepito <strong>in</strong>deed eats pasta’<br />

Despite their <strong>in</strong>terpretive differences, the examples <strong>in</strong> (1a) <strong>and</strong> (3) share a<br />

relevant property, namely, they qualify as emphatic affirmative sentences <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>Spanish</strong>. Moreover, as we will see below, the emphatic value conveyed by<br />

bien also extends to the cases where it is used as a degree-modifier, as <strong>in</strong> (4):<br />

(4) Pepito es bien listo.<br />

Pepito is well smart<br />

‘Pepito is really smart’<br />

In this paper I will argue for a comprehensive analysis of the syntax of bien,<br />

focus<strong>in</strong>g specially on the alternation between bien <strong>and</strong> bien que. The ma<strong>in</strong><br />

claim I make is that bien is an assertive operator whose contribution to the<br />

semantic <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the sentence is rem<strong>in</strong>iscent of its scopal doma<strong>in</strong>.<br />

In order to capture both sides of the nature of bien—i.e., its positive value<br />

<strong>and</strong> its emphatic import—it will be suggested that, besides the low<br />

functional phrases (DegreeP, PolP) host<strong>in</strong>g bien, a higher functional<br />

projection <strong>in</strong> the left periphery of the sentence, FocusP, is <strong>in</strong>volved. On the<br />

other h<strong>and</strong>, the (slight) contrast exhibited by the examples <strong>in</strong> (3) clearly<br />

suggests that the complementizer plays a relevant role <strong>in</strong> the alternation<br />

bien/bien que, as well as <strong>in</strong> other emphatic constructions where a similar<br />

pattern arises. In this connection, it will be shown that the complementizer <strong>in</strong><br />

(3b) is associated with an echoic value that is lack<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> (3a). This behavior<br />

parallels that of echoic negation <strong>in</strong> a significant way, which provides strong<br />

support for the view that some crucial properties of negative sentences may<br />

hold across the whole paradigm of (negative <strong>and</strong> positive) polarity.<br />

106

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