Emphatic Polarity and C in Spanish - Lear
Emphatic Polarity and C in Spanish - Lear
Emphatic Polarity and C in Spanish - Lear
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EMPHATIC POLARITY AND C IN SPANISH<br />
(8) a. *Bien sí ha comido Pepito.<br />
Well yes has eaten Pepito<br />
b. *Bien sí habla francés Pepito.<br />
Well yes speaks French Pepito<br />
Given my claim that bien is an emphatic positive marker, the ungrammaticality<br />
of (8) comes as no surprise. It is the result of the competition of<br />
two mutually exclusive elements for the same position <strong>in</strong> the sentential<br />
structure. I will return to this issue shortly. However, before we close this<br />
section, note that the positive import of bien is further confirmed <strong>in</strong> that it is<br />
banned from emphatic sentences denot<strong>in</strong>g an extreme-degree quantification,<br />
such as those <strong>in</strong> (9):<br />
(9) a. *Bien es extremadamente listo Pepito.<br />
Well is extremely smart Pepito<br />
b. *Bien es listísimo Pepito.<br />
Well is very smart Pepito<br />
Under the assumption that extreme-degree quantification, be<strong>in</strong>g emphatic <strong>in</strong><br />
nature, behaves as a positive polarity marker, 5 the ungrammaticality of the<br />
examples <strong>in</strong> (9) is expected, as it follows, like <strong>in</strong> (8), from the collision of<br />
two elements that are mutually <strong>in</strong>compatible.<br />
On the basis of the data discussed above, I assume that bien, due to its<br />
positive import, must be attributed a syntactic representation which shares<br />
relevant properties with that of the negative marker no. I follow Laka’s<br />
(1990) proposal that both negation <strong>and</strong> affirmation may be subsumed under a<br />
s<strong>in</strong>gle abstract category which is underspecified for either negative or<br />
positive value. 6 That is, the category encod<strong>in</strong>g the polarity of the sentence,<br />
Pol, may be viewed as compris<strong>in</strong>g two alternative semantic heads, [NEG]<br />
<strong>and</strong> [POS] (see Cormack <strong>and</strong> Smith (1998)). Accord<strong>in</strong>gly, I argue that bien<br />
(like sí) occurs <strong>in</strong> a functional projection Pol(arity)P. More precisely, when<br />
5 See, <strong>in</strong> this respect, González (2004: 48ff). Accord<strong>in</strong>g to this author, the positive value of<br />
extreme-degree quantification is attested by the fact that it is precluded <strong>in</strong> negative sentences.<br />
This is shown <strong>in</strong> the examples <strong>in</strong> (i), which are ungrammatical unless they are given an echoic<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpretation:<br />
(i) a. *Pepito no es extremadamente listo.<br />
b. *Pepito no es listísimo.<br />
6 I assume, follow<strong>in</strong>g much of the exist<strong>in</strong>g literature, that this abstract category is higher<br />
than IP (see Laka (1990) <strong>and</strong> Zanutt<strong>in</strong>i (1997), among others).<br />
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