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The case of pidgin and creole languages - Linguistics

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Katseff Page Page numbers<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is some similarity between Mauritian Creole spatial terms <strong>and</strong> their English<br />

equivalents, but the two systems are ultimately quite different. English does not have a<br />

single term corresponding well to Mauritian Creole dah 'at, in, on, to', or latet 'top', nor<br />

does it assign lor 'on' to the same types <strong>of</strong> relations (most saliently, lor does not cover<br />

attachment).<br />

Too many substrate <strong>languages</strong> were relevant to the formation <strong>of</strong> Mauritian Creole to lay<br />

them all out here in detail, but none <strong>of</strong> them appear to have systems very close or<br />

identical to that <strong>of</strong> Mauritian Creole. Hindi <strong>and</strong> M<strong>and</strong>arin both use postpositions rather<br />

than prepositions, <strong>and</strong> Hindi expresses some spatial relations using a system <strong>of</strong> possessive<br />

plus a nominal. Thus, like Berbice Dutch Creole, Mauritian Creole has created a unique<br />

spatial system <strong>of</strong> its own.<br />

Tok Pisin<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is no consensus on when Tok Pisin (also called Melanesian Pidgin) arose as a<br />

language. Europeans started to visit the New Guinea region in large numbers at the<br />

beginning <strong>of</strong> the 1800s as the area became known for its whales, s<strong>and</strong>alwood, <strong>and</strong> beche-<br />

la-mer. Trade was nearly stymied by the lack <strong>of</strong> a common language; whereas previously<br />

it was possible to learn a single local language <strong>and</strong> use it as a medium <strong>of</strong> communication,<br />

the linguistic diversity <strong>of</strong> Papua New Guinea made choosing a single indigenous<br />

language impossible. Consequently English words were used instead. This common

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