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When Victims Rule (pdf)

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JEWISH INFLUENCE IN POPULAR CULTURE (PT. 2)<br />

Jewish control’ of the predominantly minority district. He has continued<br />

to make such comments at school board meetings and to the press,<br />

which has in turn given wide coverage to his statements. Wright, 76, is<br />

a community activist and the appointed co-chair of the school district’s<br />

Task Force on African-American students. He has a history of anti-<br />

Semitic speech dating back to at least 1993. ‘Wright should be removed<br />

from the task force,’ said Jan Malvin, who works for Oakland’s Human<br />

Relations Commission and has been following Wright’s case for several<br />

years. Malvin, who is Jewish, said, ‘The issue is racist rhetoric at the<br />

school board in general. Anti-Semitism is part of the bigger picture.’ In<br />

1993, Wright told the board that a cadre of Jews from the schools to the<br />

government to businesses was responsible for some of the ‘wickedest<br />

acts of institutional racism against black people.’ Local Jews didn’t want<br />

to hear it again. ‘He’s the wrong person to hold an official position,’ said<br />

Barbara Bergen, regional director of the Anti-Defamation League ...<br />

Wright’s anti-Semitic epithets, however, are apparently vdirected at<br />

school board member Dan Siegel and Alameda County Superintendent<br />

of Schools Sheila Jordan. Both are Jewish ... Wright has not been the<br />

only one to denounce Jews in the Oakland school district in recent history.<br />

Superintendent Jordan said that when she was on the school board<br />

from 1988 to 1992, a flurry of anti-Semitic remarks was hurled at Jewish<br />

board members. Some Jewish members ended up resigning.”<br />

[SCHUSTER, J., 3-5-199, p. 12A]<br />

In 1959, before heightened Black-Jewish tensions, in a survey of businesses<br />

in the same Harlem area that David Caplovitz later disingenuously analyzed in<br />

1964, the same author was more open in his assessments about the economic<br />

dynamics of the inner city: “Many, if not all, of the merchants [interviewed]<br />

happen to be Jews and many of the customers are Negroes.” These merchants,<br />

says Roberta Feuerlicht, “used all the traditional tricks to prey upon the poor:<br />

installment plans, overpricing, and switch-and-bait tactics. [FEUERLICHT,<br />

p. 191] (Even in a study of the Jews of Costa Rica, Lowell Gudmundson<br />

observes that “this development of installment credit to the lower orders was by<br />

all accounts a Jewish innovation in Costa Rican commerce.” [GUDMUND-<br />

SON, p. 222] This attitude, as noted elsewhere, is a long Jewish tradition. During<br />

the California Gold Rush, Charles Elmer Upton noted similar kinds of<br />

hijinks from Jewish merchants he saw in the Placerville area: “During the summer<br />

and fall of 1849, Jewish peddlers frequently came into the foothills with<br />

merchandise to sell to the Americans and the Indians … A blue or red shirt<br />

would sell for at least half an ounce of gold and the Jewish trader would invariably<br />

get the better part of the bargain, as the settlers had no means of weighing<br />

their gold. The peddler would put the desired article of purchase in one side of<br />

his scale and insist upon the buyer’s pouring sufficient gold dust into the other<br />

side to balance the goods. But, while the Americans were invariably cheated in<br />

all these transactions, it was the poor, ignorant Indians who suffered the worst<br />

in their dealings with those rascally traffickers. Doubtless my readers can<br />

readily understand how so many of these self-same Jews afterward became<br />

897

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