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of free thinkers as a result of scientific scepticism and more rigorous<br />
historical scholarship of the Bible. But the main controversy followed by the<br />
Brontës was that triggered by the Oxford Movement, led by Edward Pusey<br />
and John Henry Newman (before he moved to Roman Catholicism). They<br />
challenged the moderates in the Anglican Church—those known as the Broad<br />
Church, who were prepared to accommodate to changing views. The Broad<br />
Church leaders were people like Dr Thomas Arnold (of Rugby School) and<br />
F.D. Maurice whom Charlotte and her sister Anne admired immensely. The<br />
Broad Church was opposed to extremes: opposed to the conservatism of<br />
the Anglo-Catholic Oxford Movement that wanted a return to the secure<br />
source of authority in Church tradition, and to the conservatism of the less<br />
moderate evangelicals and the dissenter sects who insisted on a literal belief in<br />
every word of the Bible. Charlotte and her siblings made good use of both<br />
these extremes in their writings. In her juvenilia there are savage satirical<br />
portraits of Methodism, repeated in Emily Brontë’s portrait of Joseph, the<br />
Calvinist servant in Wuthering Heights; and at the other extreme are the lighthearted<br />
satirical portraits of the clerics in the opening chapter (called<br />
“Levitical”) of Charlotte’s novel Shirley – where even her future husband, the<br />
curate Arthur Bell Nicholls, comes in for criticism for his sympathy for the<br />
rituals of Tractarianism, the High-Anglican Oxford Movement.<br />
Charlotte Brontë’s stance in relation to these issues and to F.D. Maurice in<br />
particular, gives us some solid evidence for her mature religious position. I say<br />
mature because her position was not stable: Charlotte journeyed (as we will see)<br />
from early fears that extreme Calvinism might be true, towards universalism—<br />
the belief that hell is purgative and therefore only temporary and that ultimately<br />
all free moral creatures will share in the grace of salvation. She refused to<br />
believe that the condemnation of sinners to everlasting torment was compatible<br />
with Christ’s teaching. This is why, soon after Jane Eyre was published in 1847, a<br />
reviewer in the High Church Guardian (1 Dec. 1847) deplored Helen Burns’s<br />
heretical belief that the human spirit would rise ‘through gradations of glory’.<br />
Helen is sure that God would ‘never destroy what he created’ (ch. 9). Brontë<br />
wrote to her old teacher Margaret Wooler on 14 February 1850, saying<br />
confidently, ‘I am sorry the Clergy do not like the doctrine of Universal<br />
Salvation; I think it a great pity for their sakes, but surely they are not so<br />
unreasonable as to expect me to deny or suppress what I believe the truth!’ 4<br />
I think this strong sense of personal faith is the key to Charlotte’s religious<br />
stance. Certainly this was encouraged by her upbringing and by her clerical<br />
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