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of free thinkers as a result of scientific scepticism and more rigorous<br />

historical scholarship of the Bible. But the main controversy followed by the<br />

Brontës was that triggered by the Oxford Movement, led by Edward Pusey<br />

and John Henry Newman (before he moved to Roman Catholicism). They<br />

challenged the moderates in the Anglican Church—those known as the Broad<br />

Church, who were prepared to accommodate to changing views. The Broad<br />

Church leaders were people like Dr Thomas Arnold (of Rugby School) and<br />

F.D. Maurice whom Charlotte and her sister Anne admired immensely. The<br />

Broad Church was opposed to extremes: opposed to the conservatism of<br />

the Anglo-Catholic Oxford Movement that wanted a return to the secure<br />

source of authority in Church tradition, and to the conservatism of the less<br />

moderate evangelicals and the dissenter sects who insisted on a literal belief in<br />

every word of the Bible. Charlotte and her siblings made good use of both<br />

these extremes in their writings. In her juvenilia there are savage satirical<br />

portraits of Methodism, repeated in Emily Brontë’s portrait of Joseph, the<br />

Calvinist servant in Wuthering Heights; and at the other extreme are the lighthearted<br />

satirical portraits of the clerics in the opening chapter (called<br />

“Levitical”) of Charlotte’s novel Shirley – where even her future husband, the<br />

curate Arthur Bell Nicholls, comes in for criticism for his sympathy for the<br />

rituals of Tractarianism, the High-Anglican Oxford Movement.<br />

Charlotte Brontë’s stance in relation to these issues and to F.D. Maurice in<br />

particular, gives us some solid evidence for her mature religious position. I say<br />

mature because her position was not stable: Charlotte journeyed (as we will see)<br />

from early fears that extreme Calvinism might be true, towards universalism—<br />

the belief that hell is purgative and therefore only temporary and that ultimately<br />

all free moral creatures will share in the grace of salvation. She refused to<br />

believe that the condemnation of sinners to everlasting torment was compatible<br />

with Christ’s teaching. This is why, soon after Jane Eyre was published in 1847, a<br />

reviewer in the High Church Guardian (1 Dec. 1847) deplored Helen Burns’s<br />

heretical belief that the human spirit would rise ‘through gradations of glory’.<br />

Helen is sure that God would ‘never destroy what he created’ (ch. 9). Brontë<br />

wrote to her old teacher Margaret Wooler on 14 February 1850, saying<br />

confidently, ‘I am sorry the Clergy do not like the doctrine of Universal<br />

Salvation; I think it a great pity for their sakes, but surely they are not so<br />

unreasonable as to expect me to deny or suppress what I believe the truth!’ 4<br />

I think this strong sense of personal faith is the key to Charlotte’s religious<br />

stance. Certainly this was encouraged by her upbringing and by her clerical<br />

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