Kultur in Gefahr - ITI

Pierre Bourdieu
Kultur in Gefahr
Lange Zeit habe ich davor gewarnt, dass sich Sozialwissenschaftler zu Zukunftsprognosen hinreißen
lassen und den Anspruch hegen, auf gegenwärtige und zukünftige Missstände hinzuweisen, um sie
anzuprangern. Doch durch die Logik meiner Arbeit sah ich mich mit der Zeit doch dazu veranlasst,
die Grenzen zu überschreiten, die ich mir im Namen eines bestimmten Berufsethos auferlegt hatte
und die mir zunehmend wie eine Form von Zensur erschienen, so dass ich es heute – angesichts der
Bedrohungen, die auf der Kultur lasten und derer sich die meisten nicht bewusst sind, nicht einmal
die Schriftsteller, Künstler und Gelehrten, die doch eigentlich am meisten davon betroffen sind – für
notwendig halte, das, was eine besonders avancierte Forschungsperspektive über die Effekte des
sogenannten Globalisierungsprozesses im Bereich der Kultur zu sagen hat, so bekannt wie möglich
zu machen.
Die bedrohte Autonomie
Den langen Autonomisierungsprozess, im Zuge dessen sich in vielen abendländischen
Gesellschaften soziale Mikrokosmen herausgebildet haben, die ich Felder nenne (wie zum Beispiel
das literarische Feld, das wissenschaftliche oder das künstlerische Feld), habe ich mehrfach
beschrieben und analysiert (besonders in meinem Buch Die Regeln der Kunst). Ich habe versucht zu
zeigen, dass diese Sphären ihren je eigenen Gesetzen gehorchen (das ist die etymologische
Bedeutung des Wortes Autonomie), und dass diese sich von den Gesetzen der sie umgebenden
sozialen Welt unterscheiden (besonders von denen der Ökonomie; so war zum Beispiel die
literarisch-künstlerische Welt, zumindest in ihrem autonomsten Teilbereich, weitestgehend
unabhängig von den Gesetzen des Geldes und des Eigeninteresses). Auch habe ich immer auf die
Tatsache insistiert, dass dieser Vorgang in keinster Weise einer gradlinigen und zielgerichteten
Entwicklung hegelianischen Typs gleicht und dass die Fortschritte in Richtung zunehmender
Autonomie jederzeit ganz plötzlich unterbrochen werden konnten, wie man angesichts der
Errichtung diktatorischer Regime in Deutschland, Spanien und Russland sehen konnte, welche im
Stande waren, die ehemaligen Errungenschaften der künstlerischen Welten schlagartig zu enteignen.
Doch das, was den künstlerischen Produktionssphären heute in allen modernen
Industriegesellschaften widerfährt, ist etwas völlig Neues, etwas so nie Dagewesenes: dass nämlich
die gegenüber den ökonomischen Zwängen hart erkämpfte Unabhängigkeit der Produktion und
Verbreitung von Kultur in ihren Grundlagen bedroht ist, und zwar durch das Eindringen der
kommerziellen Logik in alle Ebenen der Herstellung und Zirkulation kultureller Güter.
Die Propheten des neuen neoliberalen Evangeliums verkünden nun, in der Kultur wie auch
anderswo könne die Logik des Marktes nur Gutes bringen. Dabei verleugnen sie – wie etwa im Fall
des Buches, dem sie jeglichen Schutz versagen – stillschweigend oder explizit jede Eigenart
kultureller Güter und behaupten, die neuen Technologien und ökonomischen Innovationen zur
Verwertung von Kulturgütern könnten deren Quantität und Qualität und damit die Zufriedenheit
der Konsumenten nur steigern. Das setzt selbstverständlich voraus, dass all das, was die neuen
Unternehmensgruppen der Kommunikationsindustrie an Büchern, Filmen oder Videospielen
verbreiten und was global und unterschiedslos als Information bezeichnet wird, als Ware gilt, somit

also wie jedes andere Produkt behandelt und dem Gesetz des Profits unterworfen wird. Das riesige
Angebot an themenbezogenen Fernsehkanälen, das durch das Digitalfernsehen möglich wird, ziehe,
ich zitiere, eine «explosion of media choices» (explosionsartige Zunahme von medialen
Wahlmöglichkeiten) nach sich, so dass jede Art von Nachfrage und alle Geschmäcker zufrieden
gestellt werden könnten; allein die Logik des Wettbewerbs begünstige in dieser wie in allen anderen
Sparten kreatives Schaffen. Gleichzeitig sei das Gesetz des Profits in diesen Bereichen auch
demokratisch, insofern es mehrheitlich für gut befundene Produkte positiv sanktioniere.
Nur, was sind diese Argumente wert?
Dem Mythos der Wahlmöglichkeiten kann man die Vereinheitlichung des Angebots sowohl auf
nationaler als auch auf internationaler Ebene entgegenhalten: Weit davon entfernt, Vielfalt zu
schaffen, hat die Konkurrenz eine gleichmacherische Wirkung. Die Jagd nach dem größtmöglichen
Publikum bringt die Produzenten nämlich dazu, nach Einheitsprodukten Ausschau zu halten, die auf
ein Publikum quer durch alle Milieus und Ländern zugeschnitten sind, weil sie sich kaum
voneinander unterschieden und kaum Unterschiede hervorbringen, wie zum Beispiel Telenovelas,
Soap Operas, Krimiserien, kommerzielle Musik, Boulevard- oder Broadway-Theater und Allerwelts-
Wochenzeitschriften – also all das, was insgesamt als «Mac-Donalds-Kultur» bezeichnet werden
könnte. Zudem geht die Konkurrenz, die ja ein Minimum an Vielfalt voraussetzt, im selben Maße
zurück, wie der Produktions- und vor allem der Verbreitungsapparat einem Konzentrationsprozess
unterliegt. Die Tatsache, dass durch die Herausbildung großer Medienunternehmen die
verschiedenen Etappen der Kulturproduktion und -verbreitung zunehmend unter einem Firmendach
zusammengefasst sind, begünstigt einen Prozess, im Zuge dessen die Produktion kultureller
Güter immer mehr den Erfordernissen ihrer Verbreitung untergeordnet (ein Beispiel sind die
Multiplex-Kinos, die sich völlig dem Imperativ der Verleihfirmen unterordnen) und damit einer
regelrechten Zensur des Geldes ausgesetzt ist (man weiß um die paradoxe Situation in den einst
«kommunistischen» Ländern, in denen an die Stelle der Zensur einer autokratischen Macht die fast
ebenso schreckliche Zensur des Geldes trat). Vor allen Dingen jedoch neigt die ungeteilte Herrschaft
der ökonomischen Logik dazu, dem ganzen System die Imperative des kurzfristigen Profits und die
damit einhergehenden ästhetische Entscheidungen aufzuzwingen. Die Konsequenzen einer solchen
Politik sind im Verlagswesen genau dieselben. Auch dort kann man einen ausgeprägten
Konzentrationsprozess beobachten (zumindest in den Vereinigten Staaten, wo der Buchhandel –
abgesehen von den beiden unabhängigen Verlegern W.W. Norton und Houghton Mifflin, ein paar
Universitätsverlagen und einigen kleinen, kämpferischen Verlagen – in den Händen von acht großen
Mediengiganten liegt) sowie denselben Einfluss der Kulturvermittlung und -verbreitung auf die
Kulturproduktion und dasselbe Streben nach kurzfristigem Profit (was unter anderem dazu führt,
dass es immer häufiger Medienstars unter den Autoren gibt und dass das Geld seine Zensur ausübt).
Hier wird offensichtlich, dass die vor allem auf Kurzfristigkeit angelegte Logik des Profits die strikte
Negation von Kultur ist, denn letztere setzt Investitionen mit mehr als unsicheren Gewinnchancen
und einem ungewissen, häufig sogar erst posthumen Rücklauf voraus.
Ähnlich wie manche Tierarten in Gefahr sind, weil die für ihr Überleben notwendigen ökologischen
Bedingungen verändert oder zerstört wurden, sieht sich die Kultur heute dadurch bedroht, dass die
ökonomischen und sozialen Bedingungen, in welchen sie sich zu entwickeln vermag, zutiefst von der
Logik des Profits durchdrungen werden. Dies gilt für die fortgeschrittenen Industrienationen, in

denen bereits eine beträchtliche Kapitalakkumulation stattgefunden hat, die die Voraussetzung für
Autonomie ist, aber ganz besonders auch für die anderen Ländern. Die relativ autonomen
Mikrokosmen, innerhalb derer Kultur erzeugt wird, müssen gemeinsam mit dem Schulsystem die
Produktion von Kulturproduzenten und -konsumenten sicherstellen. Die bildenden Künstler haben
fast fünfhundert Jahre benötigt, um die sozialen Bedingungen zu erkämpfen, die einen Picasso
möglich gemacht haben. Sie mussten um das Recht kämpfen, die Farben selbst auszuwählen, die sie
verwenden wollten, und darum, wie sie sie verwenden wollten, sowie schließlich sogar, vor allem mit
dem Aufkommen der abstrakten Kunst, um das Recht auf die freie Wahl ihres Gegenstands, auf dem
ganz besonders die Macht des Auftraggebers lastete. Ebenso könnte man endlos die Bedingungen
aufzählen, die nötig sind, damit Experimentalfilme und ein sie würdigendes Publikum entstehen
können, also, um nur einige davon zu nennen: Fachzeitschriften und sie am Leben erhaltende
Kritiken; kleine, auch Kunstfilme zeigende Kinos; von ehrenamtlichen Mitarbeitern betriebene
Filmklubs; Filmemacher, die bereit sind, alles zu opfern, um Filme zu machen, auch wenn sie keinen
unmittelbaren Erfolg versprechen; Produzenten, die informiert und gebildet genug sind, um diese zu
finanzieren – kurz: es bedarf dieses ganzen sozialen Mikrokosmos, innerhalb dessen das Avantgarde-
Kino anerkannt und wertgeschätzt wird und der heute bedroht ist durch das gewaltsame Vordringen
des kommerziellen Kinos und vor allem durch die Herrschaft der großen Verleihfirmen, mit welchen
die Produzenten, falls sie nicht selbst zu den Verleihern gehören, zu rechnen haben.
Am Ende eines langen Emergenz- oder Evolutionsprozesses treten diese autonomen Sphären heute
in einen Prozess der Involution ein: In ihnen spielt sich eine Kehrtwende ab, eine Regression des
Werkes hin zum Produkt, des Autors hin zum Ingenieur oder Techniker, der auf technische Mittel
setzt, die er nicht selbst erfunden hat, wie beispielsweise jene berühmten Spezialeffekte, oder auf
bekannte Stars, die von auflagenstarken Hochglanzmagazinen gefeiert werden. Dies alles zielt auf ein
Massenpublikum ab, das kaum darauf vorbereitet ist, bestimmte – vor allem formale – Experimente
adäquat zu würdigen. Vor allem aber müssen die neuen Techniker diese extrem teuren Methoden in
den Dienst rein kommerzieller Ziele stellen, das heißt, sie auf beinahe zynische Weise so einsetzen,
dass sie ein größtmögliches Publikum in ihren Bann ziehen, indem sie dessen primäre Bedürfnisse
befriedigen – Bedürfnisse, die wiederum von anderen Technikern, den Spezialisten in Sachen
Marketing, vorhersehbar gemacht werden. Man kann beobachten, wie auf diese Weise in allen
Sphären kulturelle Produktionen entstehen (man könnte Beispiele aus den Bereichen des Romans,
des Kinos und selbst der Poesie finden, wo Jacques Roubaud entsprechende Produkte mittlerweile
als «Müsli-Poesie» bezeichnet), die nichts als Nachahmungen sind, was sogar so weit gehen kann,
dass die Experimente der Avantgarde imitiert werden, während zugleich mit den traditionellsten
Reizschemata kommerzieller Produktionen – wie Sex und Gewalt – gespielt wird. Aufgrund ihrer
Ambiguität können solche kulturellen Produktionen selbst Kulturkritiker und -konsumenten mit
modernistischen Ansprüchen mittels des Allodoxia-Effekts täuschen.
Es kann nicht darum gehen, zu wählen zwischen einerseits der «Globalisierung», verstanden als die
Unterwerfung unter die Marktgesetze, also die Herrschaft des «Kommerziellen», was immer und
allerorts das Gegenteil dessen wäre, was unter Kultur zu verstehen ist, und andererseits der
Verteidigung nationaler Kulturen oder dieser besonderen Form von Nationalismus, dem kulturellen
Nationalismus. Die Kitschprodukte der kommerziellen «Globalisierung», wie etwa die Filme eines
am Massenpublikum orientierten Spezialeffekte-Kinos oder die Produkte der «world fiction», deren

Autoren unterschiedslos Italiener, Inder, Engländer oder Amerikaner sein können, haben nichts
gemein mit den Produkten der literarischen, künstlerischen und filmischen Internationalen, dieses
erlesenen Kreises, dessen Zentrum überall und nirgends ist, auch wenn es lange Zeit in Paris zu
finden war. Wie Pascale Casanova in La République des lettres gezeigt hat, hätte die
«entnationalisierte Internationale der Kulturschaffenden» – die Joyces, Faulkners, Kafkas, Becketts
oder Gombrowiczs, diese (obwohl in Paris entstandenen) typischen Produkte Irlands, der
Vereinigten Staaten, der Tschecheslovakei oder Polens, oder die ganzen zeitgenössischen
Filmemacher aller Länder, die Kaurismäkis, Manoel de Oliveiras, Satyajit-Rays, Kieslowskis und
Kiarostamis, die sich so herrlich der Ästhetik Hollywoods entziehen – niemals existieren und
fortbestehen können ohne eine internationale Tradition eines künstlerischen Internationalismus und
ohne, um es präziser zu sagen, den schon vor langer Zeit entstandenen Mikrokosmos aus
Kulturschaffenden, Kritikern und aufgeklärten Rezipienten, dem es gelungen ist, an manchen Orten
zu überleben, die von der Invasion des Kommerziellen verschont geblieben sind.
Für einen neuen Internationalismus
Diese Tradition eines speziellen kulturellen Internationalismus ist, auch wenn es auf den ersten Blick
anders scheinen mag, etwas radikal anderes als das, was gemeinhin «globalization» genannt wird.
Denn dieses Wort, das wie ein Art Losungswort oder Parole eingesetzt wird, dient als Maske und
Legitimation einer Politik, die auf die Universalisierung partikularer Interessen und einer spezifischen
Tradition der ökonomisch und politisch herrschenden Mächte – insbesondere der USA – abzielt und
versucht, das ökonomische und kulturelle Modell, das diesen Mächten am meisten entgegen kommt,
auf die ganze Welt zu übertragen, indem es als eine Art Norm, ein Muss, und zugleich als
Unausweichlichkeit, als universelles Schicksal dargestellt wird, um dadurch weltweite Zustimmung
oder zumindest Resignation hervorzurufen. Es geht also darum, im Bereich der Kultur die
Besonderheiten einer speziellen kulturellen Tradition, innerhalb derer die kommerzielle Logik zu
ihrer vollen Entfaltung gefunden hat, zu universalisieren, indem man sie dem gesamten Erdball
überstülpt. (Im Grunde ist es so – aber die Beweisführung würde hier einige Zeit in Anspruch
nehmen –, dass die kommerzielle Logik ihre Macht aus der Tatsache bezieht, dass sie sich einen
progressiv-modernen Anstrich gibt, in Wahrheit aber nur der Effekt einer radikalen Form von
Laissez-Faire ist, welches für eine Gesellschaftsordnung charakteristisch ist, die sich einfach ihrer
momentanen Neigung und dem Gesetz des geringsten Aufwands beugt, also einer quasi natürlichen
Logik des egoistischen Interesses und des unmittelbaren Begehrens, welche in Profitquellen
umgewandelt werden. Dies widerspricht der Vorstellung, dass, wie Durkheim bemerkt hat, die
Vorstellung von Kultur an sich ihre Wurzeln in einer Art Askese hat, also der Weigerung, sich seinen
unmittelbaren Primärbedürfnissen zu beugen. Deshalb sind die verschiedenen Felder kultureller
Produktion, die sich nur sehr langsam und unter enormen Opfern herausgebildet haben, gegenüber
technologischen Kräften, die sich mit ökonomischen verbünden, besonders angreifbar. Diejenigen,
die sich – wie heute etwa die Medien-Intellektuellen und andere Best-Seller-Produzenten – innerhalb
der verschiedenen Felder damit zufrieden geben, sich den Anforderungen der Nachfrage zu beugen
und daraus ökonomischen und symbolischen Profit ziehen, sind – quasi per Definition – immer
zahlreicher und zumindest für eine gewisse Zeit einflussreicher als jene, die in ihrer Arbeit keinerlei
Konzessionen an irgendeine Nachfrage machen, also für einen nicht vorhandenen Markt
produzieren).

Diejenigen, denen diese Tradition eines kulturellen Internationalismus noch etwas bedeutet,
Künstler, Schriftsteller, Forscher, aber auch Verleger, Galeristen und Kritiker aller Länder, müssen
aktiv werden, denn wir haben es heute mit einer Situation zu tun, in der die Wirtschaftsmächte, die,
entsprechend ihrer eigenen Logik, die Produktion und Verbreitung von Kultur dem Gesetz des
Marktes zu unterwerfen versuchen, sich durch die sogenannte Liberalisierungspolitik beträchtlich
gestärkt sehen, eine Liberalisierungspolitik, die die ökonomisch und politisch herrschenden Kräfte
unter dem Deckmantel der «globalization» universell durchzusetzen versuchen. Ich denke da
besonders an das Allgemeine Abkommen über den Handel mit Dienstleistungen (DATS), dem sich
die verschiedenen Staaten durch ihre Mitgliedschaft in der Welthandelsorganisation (WHO)
unterworfen haben und dessen Umsetzung derzeit verhandelt wird. Dabei geht es, wie viele
Beobachter analysiert haben – insbesondere Lory Wallach, Agnès Bertrand und Raoul Jennar –,
darum, die 136 Mitgliedsstaaten dazu zu zwingen, den Dienstleistungsbereich vollständig den
Gesetzen des Freihandels zu öffnen und damit die Transformation sämtlicher Dienstleistungen in
Waren und in Profitquellen zu ermöglichen – einschließlich derer, die für die Erfüllung von
Grundrechten wie Kultur und Bildung bestimmt sind. Man sieht, dass dies das Ende des Begriffs
«öffentlicher Dienst» und das Ende so entscheidender sozialer Errungenschaften wie des freien
Zugangs aller zu kostenloser Bildung und zu Kultur im weitesten Sinne wäre (denn die Maßnahme
soll – entgegen den derzeit noch gültigen Klassifikationen – auch auf Dienstleistungen wie die
gesamten audiovisuellen Medien, Bibliotheken, Archive und Museen, botanische und zoologische
Gärten und alle Dienstleistungen im Bereich Unterhaltung, Kunst, Theater, Radio und Fernsehen,
Sport usw. angewandt werden). Ein solches Programm, das nationale Politiken wie
«Handelshemmnisse» behandelt, wenn sie die kulturellen Besonderheiten ihrer Länder bewahren
wollen und deshalb der transnationalen Kulturindustrie einen Riegel vorschieben, kann natürlich nur
einen Effekt haben: nämlich den meisten Ländern, besonders denen mit den geringsten
ökonomischen und kulturellen Ressourcen, jede Hoffnung auf eine Form von Entwicklung zu
nehmen, die an ihre nationalen und lokalen Besonderheiten angepasst ist und Vielfalt respektiert –
im kulturellen wie in allen anderen Bereichen. Dies geschieht insbesondere, indem man ihnen
vorschreibt, all ihre nationalen Maßnahmen – seien es interne Regelungen, die Subventionierung
von Einrichtungen und Institutionen oder die Vergabe von Bewilligungen etc. – dem Verdikt einer
Organisation zu unterwerfen, die versucht, die Forderungen transnationaler Wirtschaftsmächte als
universelle Norm zu verkaufen.
Eine solche Politik, die es versteht, die intellektuellen Ressourcen, die das Geld zu mobilisieren
vermag, in den Dienst ökonomischer Interessen zu stellen, wie im Fall dieser think tanks, die sich aus
diensteifrigen Denkern und Forschern, Journalisten und Public-Relations-Spezialisten
zusammensetzen, müsste eigentlich bewirken, dass sämtliche Künstler, Schriftsteller und
Wissenschaftler, denen die autonome Forschung noch etwas wert ist, mit vereinten Kräften aktiv
werden, denn sie sind, auch wenn sie sich nicht immer vollständig darüber im Klaren sind, die
ausgemachten Opfer dieser Entwicklungen. Doch abgesehen davon, dass sie nicht immer über die
Mittel verfügen, um von diesen Mechanismen und Handlungsweisen Kenntnis und Bewusstsein zu
erlangen – Handlungsweisen, die sich nur gegenseitig darin zu übertreffen versuchen, die Welt zu
zerstören, an die das Überleben dieser Künstler, Schriftsteller und Wissenschaftler direkt geknüpft ist
–, sind sie auch schlecht auf eine solche Mobilisierung vorbereitet, was an ihrem geradezu dumpfen
und von höherer Stelle legitimierten Festhalten an ihrer Autonomie, insbesondere gegenüber der

Politik, liegt, denn das hindert sie daran, sich politisch zu engagieren, und sei es nur, um ihre
Autonomie zu verteidigen. Zwar sind sie bereit, für universelle Anliegen aktiv zu werden, für die
Zolas Verhalten zugunsten von Dreyfus wohl für alle Zeiten paradigmatisch sein wird, sich aber für
Aktionen zu engagieren, bei denen es vor allem um die Verteidigung ihrer ureigensten Interessen
geht, dazu sind sie weniger gewillt, weil ihnen solche Aktionen zu sehr von einer Art egoistischem
Korporatismus geprägt zu sein scheinen. Dabei vergessen sie jedoch, dass sie durch die Verteidigung
ihrer überlebensnotwendigen Interessen (zum Beispiel durch Aktionen wie jene der französischen
Filmemacher gegen das MIR, das Multilaterale Investitionsabkommen) zugleich zur Verteidigung
universeller Werte beitragen, die man bedroht, indem man sie bedroht.
Solche Aktionen sind selten und schwierig: Um für Anliegen politisch zu mobilisieren, die über die
korporativen Interessen einer sozialen Kategorie, z.B. der Lastwagen- und Fernfahrer, hinausgehen,
war schon immer sehr viel Zeit und Mühe, manchmal auch Heldentum nötig (um sich davon zu
überzeugen, braucht man nur The Making of English Working Class von E.P. Thompson zu lesen).
Die «Zielscheiben» einer politischen Mobilisierung sind heute extrem abstrakt und weit von den
Alltagserfahrungen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger – selbst der gebildeten – entfernt: große
multinationale Unternehmen und ihr internationales Management, große internationale
Organisationen wie die WHO, der IWF oder die Weltbank mit ihren verschiedenen
Unterabteilungen, die mit komplizierten und oft unaussprechlichen Abkürzungen und Akronymen
bezeichnet werden, und dann all die dazugehörigen Realitäten, die Kommissionen und nichtgewählten
Technokraten-Komités, die in der breiten Öffentlichkeit kaum bekannt sind, kurz: diese
ganze Weltregierung, die innerhalb weniger Jahre aufgebaut wurde und ihre Macht auch auf die
nationalen Regierungen selbst ausübt, ist eine Instanz, die nur die wenigsten wahrnehmen und
kennen. Sozusagen ein unsichtbarer Big Brother, der bereits da ist und sich mit untereinander
vernetzten Dateien über alle ökonomischen und kulturellen Einrichtungen ausgestattet hat, der
handelt, effizient ist und darüber entscheidet, was wir essen und nicht essen, lesen und nicht lesen,
im Fernsehen oder im Kino sehen und nicht sehen können, während besonders inspirierte Denker
glauben, das, was heute passiert, liege auf derselben Linie wie die unwirklichen Spekulationen über
Pläne zur Errichtung eines universellen Staates, wie wir sie von den Philosophen des 18.
Jahrhunderts kennen.
Indem sie die Kontrolle über die neuen Kommunikationsinstrumente nahezu vollständig in ihren
Händen haben, konzentrieren diese neuen Herren der Welt tendenziell alle Macht – die ökonomische
ebenso wie die kulturelle und symbolische – auf sich und sind dadurch in der Lage, in großem Stil
eine ihren Interessen entsprechende Sicht der Welt durchzusetzen. Auch wenn diese großen
Kommunikationsunternehmen sicherlich nicht die eigentlichen Produzenten der immer mehr
überhand nehmenden und langsam aber sicher in alle Bereiche vordringenden Doxa des
Neoliberalismus sind und die Art und Weise, wie ihre Unternehmensführungen in öffentlichen
Erklärungen darüber sprechen, nicht gerade zu den originellsten oder subtilsten gehört, tragen sie
doch in entscheidender Weise zur Verbreitung dieser Doxa bei, deren Rhetorik man einmal im Detail
analysieren sollte: logische Missgeburten wie normative Feststellungen (in der Art von «die
Wirtschaft globalisiert sich, wir müssen unsere Wirtschaft globalisieren»; «die Dinge ändern sich sehr
schnell, wir müssen etwas verändern»); unzulässige und ebenso energische wie falsche
Schlussfolgerungen («dass sich der Kapitalismus überall durchsetzt, liegt daran, dass er zutiefst in der

Natur des Menschen liegt»); unwiderlegbare Thesen («Indem wir Reichtum schaffen, schaffen wir
auch Arbeit»; «Zu hohe Steuern töten die Steuern», eine Formel, die man aus der berühmtberüchtigten
Laffer-Kurve ableiten könnte, für die aber ein anderer Ökonom, Roger Guesnerie, den
Beweis ihrer Unbeweisbarkeit erbracht hat – was soll man da noch glauben?);
Selbstverständlichkeiten, die so indiskutabel sind, dass allein schon die Tatsache, sie zu diskutieren,
eine Diskussion wert wäre («Der Wohlfahrtsstaat und die Arbeitsplatzsicherheit gehören der
Vergangenheit an» und «Wie kann man heute noch das Prinzip des öffentlichen Dienstes
verteidigen?»); teratologische Paralogismen (in der Art «mehr Markt bedeutet mehr Gleichheit» oder
«Egalitarismus verurteilt Tausende von Menschen zum Elend»); technokratische Euphemismen
(«Unternehmensumstrukturierungen» statt Entlassungen) und viele semantisch weitgehend im
Unklaren bleibende Instant-Begriffe und -Redewendungen, die, durch einen langen automatischen
Gebrauch banalisiert und blank poliert, wie Zauberformeln funktionieren und, um ihrer
Beschwörungskraft willen, unermüdlich wiederholt werden («Deregulierung», «freiwillige
Arbeitslosigkeit», «Freihandel», «freie Kapitalzirkulation», «Wettbewerbsfähigkeit», «Kreativität»,
«technokratische Revolution», «Wirtschaftswachstum», «Kampf gegen die Inflation», «die
Staatsverschuldung senken», «die Arbeitskosten reduzieren», «die Sozialausgaben senken»). So setzt
sich diese Doxa durch einen ständigen Verhüllungseffekt durch und präsentiert sich schließlich mit
der ruhigen Kraft des Selbstverständlichen. Diejenigen, die versuchen, dagegen Widerstand zu
leisten, können nicht einmal im Feld der kulturellen Produktion selbst auf die strukturelle Solidarität
etwa der Berichterstattung in den Medien zählen, denn sie haben es dort mit Produktionen und
Produzenten zu tun, denen es einzig und allein um die umwegslose Zufriedenstellung eines
möglichst großen Publikums geht. Genauso wenig können sie mit der Solidarität der «Medien-
Intellektuellen» rechnen, denen es vor allem um eine Form von Erfolg geht, die der Vergänglichkeit
geweiht ist, und die ihre Existenz ihrer Unterwerfung unter die Erwartungen des Marktes verdanken.
In einigen Extremfällen, die aber ganz besonders vielsagend sind, vermarkten sie sogar die Idee der
Avant-Garde, welche ihre Wurzeln doch gerade im Widerstand gegen die Vermarktung hat. Das
heißt, selbst die autonomsten Produzenten werden Schritt für Schritt ihrer Produktions- und vor
allem auch Diffusionsmittel enteignet und ihre Position war zweifellos noch nie so bedroht und so
schwach, zugleich aber auch noch nie so selten, so nützlich und so wertvoll.
Merkwürdigerweise bilden heute jene Produzenten die Avantgarde im Kampf um die Verteidigung
der höchsten Werte der Menschheit, deren Produkte eigentlich zu den «abstraktesten» und «reinsten»
zählen und die der Logik des «L’art pour l’art» gehorchen. Indem sie ihre eigene Einzigartigkeit verfechten,
verfechten sie die universellsten aller Werte.
Pierre Bourdieu
Collège de France, Chaire de sociologie
Paris, September 2000
Übersetzung: Daniela Böhmler und
Peter Scheiffele

Die Sonderdrucke der
SociétéSuissedesAuteurs
Schweizerische Autorengesellschaft
Società Svizzera degli Autori
Nr. 3 Sommer 2004
Die Schlacht
um die kulturelle Vielfalt
Von Ivan Bernier – Übersetzung Robert Schnieper
Im Oktober 2003 stimmte die 32.
UNESCO-GeneralkonferenzeinemAntrag
zu,gemässdemdieFragederkulturellen
Vielfalt–bezüglichdesSchutzesderkulturellen
InhalteundkünstlerischenAusdrucksformen–
GegenstandeinesinternationalenAbkommens
seinmüsse.DieKonferenzbeauftragtedaraufhin
den Generaldirektor der Organisation, auf
Ende 2005 ein Vorprojekt vorzulegen. Der
Beginn der Verhandlungen ist die jüngste
EntwicklungineinemKonflikt,dendiedamalige
französische Kulturministerin Catherine
Trautmann im Jahr 2000 als «bataille de la
diversité culturelle» bezeichnet hatte. Aber
inwiefern betrifft diese Schlacht die Kreativen
sämtlicher Länder und insbesondere die
UrhebervonaudiovisuellenWerken.Sindihre
Herausforderungennurvirtuellodertatsächlich
konkret?
Ursprung und Wesen
des Konflikts
Bereits ab der Mitte der 1920er Jahre
erliessen verschiedene europäische
Länder angesichts der Überflutung ihrer
Märkte durch amerikanische Filme
Leinwandquoten, um einen für die
Erhaltung ihrer kulturellen Identität
als grundlegend beurteilten Raum zu
gewährleisten. Die grossen amerikanischen
Filmproduktionsgesellschaften
reagierten unverzüglich und forderten von
den amerikanischen Behörden, Druck
auszuüben, damit diese Quoten wieder
aufgehobenwürden.Daswarder
Anfang einer Konfrontation über
die Behandlung von kulturellen
Waren und Dienstleistungen
im internationalen Handel,
der bis heute andauern sollte.
Zwei radikal verschiedene
Sichtweisen prägen diesen
Konflikt:
• Die erste betrachtet
kulturelle Produkte
ausschliesslich
alsUnterhaltungsprodukte,
völlig
vergleichbarjedemanderenErzeugnisund
deshalb auch denselben Handelsregeln
unterworfen.
Mitte der 1990er Jahre begann sich die
Wahrnehmung dieser beiden gegensätzlichen
Sichtweisen und der Umgang mit ihnen zu
ändern. Dieser Wechsel fiel zeitlich mit zwei
Ereignissen zusammen, welche die weitere
Debatteentscheidendbeeinflussensollten.
•DiezweiteverstehtkulturelleProdukteals
InstrumentedersozialenKommunikation,die
Werte, Ideen und Inhalte transportieren und
deshalb auch dazu beitragen, die kulturelle
Identität einer Gemeinschaft zu formen.
Aus diesem Grund müssen sie von der
Anwendung der Handelsregeln ausgenommensein.
•DaserstewarderAusgangder1996aufgenommenen
OECD-Verhandlungen für ein
Multilaterales Abkommen über Investitionen
(MAI). Ihr Scheitern, 1998, bestätigte,
dass multilaterale Verhandlungen über
Handelsbeziehungen nicht das geeignete
Forumwaren,umdenAustauschvonGütern
und Dienstleistungen unter Wahrung der
kulturellenVielfaltzufördern.Tatsächlichwar
esFrankreichindiesenVerhandlungennicht
gelungen,eineMehrheitderStaatenfüreine
Klausel über die «exception culturelle», die
kulturelleAusnahme,zugewinnen.
•DaszweiteEreigniswardasScheiterndes
dritten WTO-Ministertreffens in Seattle im
Dezember1999.Eswareinentscheidender
PunktimBewusstwerdungsprozessüberdie
Auswirkungen der Globalisierung und der
LiberalisierungdesHandelsaufdieKulturen
im soziologischen Sinne. Man machte geltend,dassdieVorherrschaftwirtschaftlicher
Zwänge auf die sozialen und politischen
Werte, unterstützt durch die atemberaubende
Entwicklung der Informations- und
Kommunikationstechnologien, die nationalen
Identitäten einer Belastungsprobe
1

aussetze und sie manchmal zum Rückzug,
manchmalzuraggressivenStärkunggegensätzlicherModellezwänge.IndiesemUmfeld
wurdedieErhaltungderkulturellenIdentität
nicht mehr ausschliesslich als eine Frage
gesehen,dievonHandelsabkommenausgenommen
werden müsse, sondern wandelte
sichzumSelbstzweck.
VondemmehrereJahrzehntezuvoreingeleitetenKampffürdie«kulturelleAusnahme»ging
man zum Kampf für die «kulturelle Diversität
oderVielfaltȟber.
Wieso sollte die
kulturelle Vielfalt
begünstigt werden ?
Jede nationale Kultur, die lebendig bleiben
will, ist dazu verurteilt, sich im Lauf
der Zeit vielfältigen internen und externen
Veränderungen anzupassen. Das wahre
Problem, das durch die Globalisierung und
die Liberalisierung gestellt wird, ist die
Frage, wie die von ihnen herbeigeführten
VeränderungendieMöglichkeitbeeinflussen,
einen eigenen kulturellen Raum zu fördern
undzuerhalten,durchdendieBürgerZugang
zum kulturellen und politischen Leben ihrer
Gemeinschaft erhalten und daran teilhaben
können. Leider ist es keineswegs selbstverständlich,
dass sich die Globalisierung
der Wirtschaft und die Liberalisierung des
HandelsindieserHinsichtpositivauswirken.
23. September 1998 im Pariser Viertel La Défense: Eine Banderole an der Hauptsitz-Fassade von Elf fordert den « Rückzug »
des MAI-Vertrags durch die OECD.
Glossar
WTO
World Trade Organization; Welthandelsorganisation,
gegründet 1995 nach
Abschluss der Uruguay Round; umfasst
gegenwärtig 147 Staaten.
UNESCO
United Nation Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization; Organisation der
Vereinten Nationen für Bildung, Wissenschaft
und Kultur, gegründet 1945; umfasst gegenwärtig
190 Staaten.
GATT
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade;
Allgemeines Zoll- und Handelsabkommen;
unterzeichnet 1947, gehört heute zu den von
der WTO verwalteten Abkommen.
GATS
General Agreement on Trade in Services
( Allgemeines Abkommen über den Handel
im Dienstleistungssektor ), ausgehandelt
und unterzeichnet im Rahmen der Uruguay-
Runde, in Kraft getreten 1995.
MAI
Multilateral Agreement on Investitions;
Multilaterales Investitionsabkommen, von 1996
bis 1998 im Rahmen der OECD diskutiert.
OECD
Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development; Organisation für wirtschaftliche
Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung;
gegründet 1961, umfasst 30 Länder.
UruguayRound
Letzte der vom GATT zwischen 1948 und 1994
durchgeführten multilateralen Verhandlungen
über den Welthandel. Zu den bekanntesten
Ergebnissen dieser Runde gehört die
Schaffung der Welthandelsorganisation WTO,
die das GATT 1995 ablöste.
AFP FOTO / Eric Feferberg
Mindestens drei gute Gründe für Besorgnis
könnenvorgebrachtwerden:
•DerersteGrundistdieÜberflutungmitausländischenkulturellenErzeugnissen(Filmund
Fernsehen,Bild-undTonträger,Bücherusw.).
Sie kann so weit gehen, dass die heimische
kulturelle Produktion erstickt wird und der
betroffenen Bevölkerung damit ein für ihre
eigene Entwicklung grundlegend wichtiger
symbolischerDiskursvorenthaltenwird.Dies
ist um so alarmierender, als die schöpferischenMenschenunddiekulturellenVermittler
eineentscheidendeRollebeiderAnpassung
derKulturenanVeränderungenspielen.Denn
sie sind es, die einen Raum der kritischen
Auseinandersetzungzwischeneinheimischen
undausländischenWerten,zwischenvergangenheitsorientierten
Verhaltensweisen und
Zukunftsperspektivenschaffen.
• Der zweite Grund betrifft die Konzentration
der Produktionsmittel sowie die Kommerzialisierung
der kulturellen Erzeugnisse durch
Grosskonzerne, die in geradezu industriellem
Rahmen arbeiten, und die daraus folgende
UniformisierungdeskünstlerischenAusdrucks
unterdemEinflusshauptsächlichkommerziellerZwänge.
2

Das Beispiel
Neuseelands
1993,nachAbschlussderUruguay-Runde,
hatte sich Neuseeland verpflichtet, im
audiovisuellen Bereich keinerlei Quoten
oder quantitative Beschränkungen
einzuführen. Eine 1999 veröffentlichte
Untersuchung ergab jedoch in der Folge,
dassderAnteilderlokalenBerichterstattung
imneuseeländischenFernsehenzudiesem
Zeitpunkt nur noch 24% der gesamten
Sendezeit erreichte, was Neuseeland in
einer vergleichenden Untersuchung mit
zehn anderen Ländern den letzten Platz
eintrug.2001kündigtedieneuseeländische
RegierungihreAbsichtan,Quotenfürden
Anteil lokaler Nachrichten und Sendungen
inRundfunkundFernseheneinzuführen,da
dieSubventionierungsolcherBeträgesich
alsnichtausreichenderwiesenhatte.Doch
der amerikanische Vertreter für den internationalenHandelliessschonsehrschnell
verlauten,dasseinesolcheMassnahmedie
VerpflichtungenNeuseelandsverletze.Das
Vorhaben wurde aufgegeben und durch
eine einfache Vereinbarung zwischen der
neuseeländischen Regierung und den
Fernsehstationen ersetzt, in der sich die
Senderverpflichteten,«ihrBesteszutun»,
umdasNiveauihrerlokalenSendegefässe
zuheben.
• Der dritte, neuere Grund ist die
Marginalisierung einer grossen Zahl von
Kulturen im internationalen Raum, der
mit den neuen Informationstechnologien
entsteht (Internet usw.). Ungeachtet der
Tatsache, dass diese neuen Technologien
beachtliche Möglichkeiten bieten, um die
Vielfalt der Kulturen auszudrücken, ist die
Gefahr,dasssichderGrabenzwischenden
Ländern mit und ohne echten Zugang zu
diesen Möglichkeiten weiter vertieft, durchausrealundsehrbesorgniserregend.
InallendreiFällenistdasGrundrechtaufkulturellenAusdruckinFragegestelltunddamit
auch das demokratische Leben und der
gesellschaftliche Zusammenhalt der betreffenden
Gemeinschaft bzw. Bevölkerung.
Unter diesem Gesichtspunkt besteht kein
Zweifel, dass es sich bei der Verteidigung
derkulturellenVielfaltumeinengrundlegendenKampfhandelt.
Die WTO oder die
kulturelle Vielfalt
als Behinderung
des freien Handels
Die WTO als solche interessiert sich
nicht für die Kultur, da diese nicht in ihren
Zuständigkeitsbereich fällt. Sie interessiert
sich jedoch für die Massnahmen, die von
den Staaten ergriffen werden, um den kulturellen
Ausdruck auf nationaler und die
kulturelle Vielfalt auf internationaler Ebene zu
fördern. Wenn diese in irgendeiner Weise die
Handelsströme behindern und einer WTO-
Bestimmungzuwiderlaufen,könnensieAnlass
für eine Klage sein. Unter den Massnahmen,
diediesbezüglichamehestenSchwierigkeiten
machenkönnen,gehörenöffentlicheBeihilfen,
Quoten,ForderungennachlokalemInhaltund
MassnahmenzurInvestitionskontrolle.
Sieht man von den Filmquoten ab, die
durch Artikel IV des GATT bewilligt werden
(manweissindiesemZusammenhang,dass
derschweizerischeQuotenanteil1993fürein
Landerecht der Swissair in Atlanta eingetauscht
wurde…), sowie von der generellen
AusnahmeinArtikelXXdesGATTbetreffend
den Schutz nationaler Güter mit künstlerischem,
historischem oder archäologischem
Wert, gibt es keinerlei Ausnahmeregelungen
oderSonderbehandlungen,diespezifischauf
kulturelle Güter und Leistungen anwendbar
wären.
In den gegenwärtig laufenden WTO-
Verhandlungen über den internationalen
Handel haben gewisse Mitglieder bereits
Anträge eingebracht, die das Problem der
Berücksichtigung der Besonderheiten im
audiovisuellen Bereich ausdrücklich ansprechen.DiesistinbesonderederFallderSchweiz.
SieschlägteinegründlicheUntersuchungvor,
mitderfestgestelltwerdensoll,obdasGeneral
AgreementonTradeinServices(GATS)–eines
derzahlreichenAbkommen,dieheutevonder
WTO verwaltet werden – flexibel genug ist,
um den Besonderheiten des audiovisuellen
Sektors angepasste Lösungen vorschlagen
und die kulturellen, sozialen und demokratischen
Ziele der Mitgliedstaaten hinreichend
berücksichtigen zu können. Unter den
Fragen, die bei einer solchen Untersuchung
geprüft werden müssten, erwähnt die
Schweiz die Subventionen, die öffentlichen
audiovisuellen Dienstleister, unerlaubte
Inhalte, Fragen bezüglich des Wettbewerbs
und der Reglementierungen sowie schliesslich
die Restriktionen für den Zugang zum
Inlandmarkt und zur Inländerbehandlung. Die
LösungenfürdieseFragenkönntendieForm
eines GATS-Anhangs über die audiovisuellen
Dienstleistungen annehmen. Ein solches
Vorgehen ist jedoch insofern nicht ungefährlich,
als es einer hauptsächlich kommerziell
orientierten Organisation die Aufgabe überträgt,zubestimmen,waseinLandinSachen
kulturellerEntwicklungtundarfundwasnicht.
Die Haltung der USA zu diesem Thema
erlaubt,dieGrenzeneinessolchenVorgehens
besser zu erfassen. Sie schlagen nämlich
vor, dass die Mitgliedstaaten parallel zur
Aushandlung spezifischer Verpflichtungen
bezüglich der audiovisuellen Dienstleistungen
auchzueinerEinigungüberdieSubventionen
kommen könnten, die das Bedürfnis jedes
Landesrespektiert,seinekulturelleIdentitätzu
fördern,indemeseinUmfeldschafft,dassich
bereicherndaufdienationaleKulturauswirkt.
AufdenerstenBlickerscheintdieserVorschlag
als Zeichen guten Willens. Tatsächlich ist die
StrategiederVereinigtenStaatenaufdreiZiele
ausgerichtet:
• Als erstes sollen diejenigen WTO-Mitgliedstaaten,
die bisher keine Liberalisierungsverpflichtungen
für den audiovisuellen Bereich
eingingen (die weit überwiegende Mehrheit),
3

AFP FOTO / John G. Mabanglo
Die Demonstrationen gegen die Globalisierung und
die Liberalisierung sämtlicher Handelsströme – hier in
Seattle im Dezember 1999 – werden immer heftiger.
dazu gebracht werden, diesen Sektor in die
ListeihrerVerpflichtungenimRahmenderlaufendenVerhandlungenaufzunehmen.
•AlszweitesZielsolldurchgesetztwerden,
dass die aktuellen Marktzugangsebenen
garantiertwerden.FürMitglieder,diebereits
BeschränkungenindiesemBereichkennen,
kann dieses Begehren überaus vernünftig
erscheinen, da es ja in gewisser Weise nur
die bestehenden Praktiken legitimiert. Für
Staaten hingegen, die bisher keinerlei derartige
Restriktionen kennen (das trifft auf
die Mehrheit der Entwicklungsländer zu),
hätte dies zur Folge, dass sie künftig keine
fürihrekulturelleEntwicklungerforderlichen
Massnahmen mehr treffen könnten, die in
irgendeiner Weise den Zugang zu ihrem
Marktbeschränkten.
•DrittesZielistschliesslich,alsGegenleistung
für«Konzessionen»bezüglichderBeibehaltung
bestehender Schutzmassnahmen im audiovisuellenBereichsowiebestehenderoderkommender
Subventionsprogramme Regelungen
durchzusetzen, die den praktisch unbeschränkten
Zugang für elektronisch übermittelte
audiovisuelle Produkte garantieren, das
heisstfürdenVertriebs-undZirkulationskanal
derWerkevonmorgen.
ImWartenaufdieWiederaufnahmeder(temporär
ausgesetzten) WTO-Verhandlungen
haben die USA bereits fünf bilaterale
Freihandelsabkommen (mit Chile, Singapur,
denStaatenZentralamerikas,Australienund
Marokko) geschlossen, die Massnahmen
enthalten, welche die vorgenannten Ziele
widerspiegeln. Verschiedene weitere bilateraleAbkommenstehenvordemAbschluss.
Ganz anders ist die Strategie der
Europäischen Union in diesen Verhandlungen.
IhrStandpunktistes,imaudiovisuellenSektor
keinerlei Liberalisierungsverpflichtung einzugehen.
Dies erklärte EU-Kommissarin Viviane
Reding2001:«WirsindoffenfürdenAustausch
unddieZusammenarbeit,diefürdieFörderung
derkulturellenVielfaltinEuropaundinderWelt
notwendigsind,dochdieInstrumentedesinternationalenHandelsscheinenunsnichtgeeignet,
umdieseZielezuerreichen.Hingegenanerkennenwir,dasseswertsteigerndseinkönnte,mit
möglichstvielenPartnernausserhalbdesWTO-
Rahmens über die allgemeine Problematik
der kulturellen Vielfalt im Zusammenhang mit
der Globalisierung und den verschiedenen
öffentlichen Strategien für ihre Erhaltung und
Förderungzudiskutieren.»
Diese Position deckt sich mit derjenigen
Kanadas, das keinerlei Verpflichtung
eingehenwill,dasseineFähigkeitbegrenzt,
dieeigenenZielebezüglichderKulturpolitik
zuverwirklichen,undzwarsolange,bisein
neues internationales Instrument geschaffen
werden kann, das ausdrücklich dafür
bestimmt ist, das Recht der Länder zu
schützen, ihre kulturelle Vielfalt zu erhalten
und zu fördern. In beiden Fällen ist das
Ziel, sicherzustellen, dass die Doppelnatur
der kulturellen Erzeugnisse als kommerzielle
Produkte und Instrumente der sozialen
Kommunikationkonkretberücksichtigtwird.
Die UNESCO oder die
kulturelle Vielfalt als
Selbstzweck gesehen
Die kulturelle Vielfalt – im umfassenden
SinnvonVielfaltundUnterschiedlichkeitder
Identitäten verstanden – stand im Zentrum
der Tätigkeit der UNESCO im kulturellen
Bereich, und zwar praktisch seit Gründung
dieser UNO-Sonderorganisation im Jahre
1945. Dennoch begann sich die UNESCO
erst1999konkretmitderFragedesSchutzes
der kulturellen Vielfalt vor dem Druck der
wirtschaftlichenGlobalisierungunddesfreien
Handels zu befassen. Mit einer Debatte
konfrontiert, die eigentlich an vorderster
Frontsieselbstbetraf,diejedochbisdahin
ohneirgendeineInterventionihrerseitsstattgefundenhatte,schaltetesichdieUNESCO
schliesslich1999indieAuseinandersetzung
ein, indem sie ein Dokument mit dem Titel
Kultur, Handel und Globalisierung, Fragen
und Antworten veröffentlichte. In der Folge
fanden mehrere Treffen statt, bei denen
verschiedene Aspekte der Frage erörtert
wurden.
Copyright UNESCO/Niamh Burke
« Das Gespräch zwischen den Ländern,
die die kulturellen Güter und
Dienstleistungen verteidigen möchten
( … ) und denjenigen, welche die kulturellen
Rechte zu fördern hofften, wurde
so übertroffen, da diese Ansätze in der
Erklärung vereinigt sind. »
UNESCO-GeneraldirektorKoïchiroMatsuura
inderEinführungzuruniversellenErklärung
der UNESCO über die kulturelle Vielfalt,
2001.
« Weil sie vom Menschen geschaffen
sind, entfalten sich kulturelle
Manifestationen in einer unaufhörlichen
Abfolge von Geburt und Wiedergeburt
mit gegenseitiger Bereicherung. Den
Fortbestand dieser Bewegung müssen
wir gewährleisten. »
7. April 2004, Informationssitzung über
das Vorgehen bei der Erarbeitung eines
Entwurfs für das Abkommen über den
SchutzderVielfaltkulturellerInhalteund
künstlerischerAusdrucksformen.
Koïchiro
Matsuura
4

Als Antwort auf die Initiative gewisser
Staaten, die Erarbeitung einer internationalen
Konvention über die kulturelle Vielfalt
auf die Traktandenliste der 166. Sitzung des
Exekutivrats zu setzen, schlug das UNESCO-
Sekretariatam12.März2003vor,derRatsolle
an der 32. Generalkonferenz empfehlen, eine
Entscheidung für die Erarbeitung eines neuen
internationalennormativenInstrumentszufällen
und die Natur dieses Instruments festzulegen.
Dies tat die Generalkonferenz denn auch im
Oktober 2003, und zwar mit der zusätzlichen
Präzisierung,dasssichdieKonventionaufden
SchutzderkulturellenInhalteundderkünstlerischenAusdrucksformenerstreckensolle.
Der glückliche Ausgang dieser ersten
EtappehinzueinerinternationalenKonvention
über dieses Thema vermag nur schlecht zu
verbergen, dass bezüglich der Berechtigung
einer solchen Vereinbarung unterschiedliche
Ansichtenbestehen.
• Für gewisse Länder (wie die USA,
Grossbritannien und die Niederlande) handelt
es sich um ein Abkommen, das unter
dem Deckmantel einer weniger negativen
Sprache den Kampf der «kulturellen
Ausnahme» fortsetzt. Mit anderen Worten
um ein Abkommen mit protektionistischer
Ausrichtung,dessenEndzielist,dieKulturaus
der WTO ausszuschliessen oder zumindest
eineSonderbehandlungfürdenKulturbereich
durchzusetzen.
• Für andere Länder – die weit überwiegende
Mehrheit der Staaten, die sich an der
Generalkonferenz von Oktober 2003 zu Wort
gemeldethatten–gehtesimGegenteilumein
in erster Linie kulturelles Abkommen, dessen
ZwecknichtdieÄnderungdesWTO-Rechtsist,
sonderndasehereinenBezugsrahmen,einen
VerhaltenskodexfürdieSignatarstaatenliefern
soll. Für die Entwicklungsländer im besonderen
handelt es sich um ein Abkommen, dem
sieumsobereitwilligerbeitretenwerden,weil
esdazubeitragenwird,dasssieihreeigenen
kulturellen Ausdrucksformen fördern können,
die in vielen Fällen besonders gefährdet sind
undüberdiesieauchihrewirtschaftlicheund
sozialeEntwicklungvorantreibenkönnen.
Eine Schlacht,
kein Krieg
Diese Schlacht um die kulturelle Vielfalt ist
noch lange nicht gewonnen. Abgesehen
vom protektionistischen Charakter des
Konventionsentwurfs, der innerhalb der
UNESCO diskutiert wird, könnten die USA
auch geltend machen, dass das Vorhaben
dem Grundsatz der freien Zirkulation der
Information zuwiderläuft genau so, wie sie
diesindenJahrenvon1970bis1980taten,
um das Vorhaben einer neuen Weltordnung
für Information und Kommunikation zu diskreditieren,dasdamalsvonderUNESCOins
Gespräch gebracht worden war. Doch das
ZieldergeplantenKonventionistnicht,den
Informationsfluss zu behindern, sondern im
Gegenteil jedem Einzelnen zu ermöglichen,
am kulturellen Leben seiner Gemeinschaft
teilzunehmen, ein Grundrecht, das in
Artikel 27 der Allgemeinen Erklärung der
Menschenrechteanerkanntwird.
SolltedasVorhabeneinerKonventionüber
die Erhaltung und Förderung der kulturellen
Vielfaltscheitern,müsstedasRechtaufkulturellen
Ausdruck in Zukunft allein in Instanzen
mit kommerzieller Ausrichtung diskutiert werden.AlserstewärendavondieKreateureund
Autorenselbstbetroffen.Siemüsstenmitansehen,dassdieEingriffedesStaateszugunsten
der kulturellen Entwicklung mehr und mehr
durchreinkommerzielleÜberlegungeneingeschränktwürden.
Unter diesen Umständen überrascht es
nicht,dassindenletztenJahrenimmermehr
nationaleVereinigungenfürkulturelleVielfalt
entstanden, in denen Kulturschaffende aller
Bereiche tätig sind, um auf nationaler wie
internationaler Ebene den Platz und die
Aufgabe kultureller Ausdrucksformen als
Sprache der sozialen Kommunikation zu
verteidigen.
Und es ist ja in der Tat so, dass die
«Schlacht der kulturellen Vielfalt» nur mit
der entschlossenen Unterstützung der
Kulturschaffendengewonnenwerdenkann.
Der Autor
I
van Bernier hatanderLondonSchoolof
EconomicsinRechtswissenschaftenpromoviert.Eristspezialisiertaufinternationales
Wirtschaftsrecht, emeritierter Professor der
Juristischen Fakultät der Universität Quebec
(Kanada) und Verfasser, Mitverfasser und
Herausgeber zahlreicher Artikel und Werke
über die Beziehungen zwischen Handel und
Kultur.InjüngererZeitwareralsBeraterdes
Canadian Heritage (Kulturministerium), des
Ministeriums für Kultur und Kommunikation
derProvinzQuebecsowiedesInternationalen
Netzwerks für Kulturpolitik (INCP) tätig. Im
November2003wurdeervomGeneraldirektor
derUNESCOindieExpertengruppeberufen,
die ein Vorprojekt für eine internationale
Konvention über die kulturelle Vielfalt ausarbeitensoll.
5

In internationalen Verhandlungen vertritt die
Schweiz im allgemeinen handelspolitische
Positionen, die den Vorrang vor ihren kulturellen
Interessen haben, so schädlich deren
langfristigeAuswirkungenauchseinmögen.
2001, als sich Europa – noch unter dem
Schock des innerhalb der OECD gescheiterten
MAI stehend – heftig für die «kulturelle
Diversität à la française» einsetzte, die sich
gegen die allumfassende wirtschaftliche
LiberalisierungalsSpeerspitzederVereinigten
Staatenrichtete,unternahmdieSchweizeinen
Alleingang, indem sie innerhalb der WTO
die Frage von Schutzklauseln im kulturellen
Bereich ins Gespräch brachte. Das trug ihr
seinerzeit schwere Vorwürfe von seiten der
EU-Staatenein.
Im gegenwärtigen Stadium dieser
Debattefreuenwiruns,Ihnennachstehend
den Standpunkt des Stellvertretenden
DirektorsdesBundesamtsfürKultur,Marc
Wehrlin,vorzustellen.
Claude Champion, Präsident der SSA
Die Schweiz in der
kulturellen Vielfalt
weit vorne.
An vielem lässt sich ermessen, wie
wichtig der Grundsatz der kulturellen
Vielfalt für die Schweiz ist. Davon zeugt
allein schon der verfassungsmässige
Grundsatz, dass die Kulturhoheit weitgehendbeidenKantonenliegtundessomit
vieleKulturenundKulturpolitikengibt.Beim
Film,derinderZuständigkeitdesBundes
liegt, ist die Angebotsvielfalt als Ziel ausdrücklichinderVerfassungverankert.Wir
sinddaseinzigeLandEuropas,dasseine
Filmbranche (Verleih und Kino) in der
Filmgesetzgebung zur kulturellen Vielfalt
verpflichtet und Förderungsmassnahmen
kennt, die auf die Angebotsvielfalt zielen.
So erhalten z.B. Filmverleiher, deren
VerleihprogrammzuwenigstensderHälfte
aus Filmen aus Ländern besteht, die in
der Schweiz nicht schon eine mächtige
Marktstellung haben, eine Förderung pro
Eintritt für ihre Low-budget-Filme. Filme
aus den Ländern des Südens geniessen
einen zusätzlichen Bonus. Mit 27%
Publikumsanteil für nichtnationale europäische
Filme ist die Schweiz in Europa
einsameSpitze.
Kulturelle Vielfalt bedeutet uns somit
nicht nur den Schutz der eigenen Vielfalt,
sondernAustauschmitanderenKulturen.
Diese Politik verfolgen wir nicht nur
gegen innen, sondern auch gegen aussen
auf dem internationalen Parkett. Der
DirektordesBundesamtesfürKultur,David
Streiff, gehört zu den Gründermitgliedern
des Réseau international des politiques
culturelles (RIPC), das an der Wiege der
UNESCO-Konvention zum Schutz der
kulturellen Vielfalt stand. 2002 war die
Schweiz Gastgeberin einer Tagung des
RIPCinLuzernzudiesemThema.Anden
Arbeiten der UNESCO-Woche werden wir
aktivpartizipieren,undwirkoordinierendie
HaltunginnerhalbderBundesverwaltung.
Ich selbst vertrete die Interessen
der Kultur in den laufenden WTO-
Verhandlungen.Prof.Bernierirrtsich,wenn
erausführt,dieSchweizhabedasThema
derkulturellenVielfaltderWTOüberlassen
wollen. Unseres Erachtens ist es keineswegs
an der WTO, Kulturpolitik zu formulieren–aberesgehtumSchnittstellen.
Aber mittelfristig wird es darum gehen,
dass die WTO nicht nur die nationalen
Gesundheits-,Sozial-undUmweltpolitiken
zurespektierenhat,wiedasheutefestgeschrieben
ist, sondern auch die Politiken
zurFörderungderkulturellenVielfalt.Eine
zeitlich beschränkte Ausnahmeregelung,
wie das GATS sie heute vorsieht, wird
den Bedürfnissen einer dynamischen
Kulturpolitik nicht gerecht. Die internationalenGrundsätzederkulturellenVielfalt
sollen in der UNESCO-Konvention verankert
werden, und dabei wird auf geeignete
Weise sicherzustellen sein, dass die
internationalenHandelspolitikenandiesen
Grundsätzen Halt machen. Kulturelle
Vielfalt ist kein blosses kulturpolitisches
Anliegen,esisteingesellschaftspolitischer
ParameterfürdieZivilisation.
Marc Wehrlin
Stellvertretender Direktor und Leiter der Sektion
Film im Bundesamt für Kultur.
DIZAÏN Jean-Pascal Buri
Die Sonderdrucke der SSA
A
ls Ergänzung zum Bulletin A Propos
(das viermal pro Jahr erscheint) und
zu den E-Mail-Nachrichten @-Propos
veröffentlicht die SSA eine Reihe von
Hintergrund- bzw. Grundsatzartikeln in
Form von Sonderdrucken. Sie bietet
damit eigenständige Überlegungen über
spezifische Aspekte der szenischen und
audiovisuellen Produktion in der Schweiz
an. Jeder Artikel wird von einem spezialisierten
Autor verfasst, der das Thema
auf ausführliche und persönliche Weise
behandelnkann.
Der Vertrieb der Sonderdrucke, die Teil einer
Aufwertung des Autorenstatus in einem
Land sind, in dem umfassende, komplexe
Überlegungen nicht zuletzt auch zum
Thema Schweiz spärlich gesät sind, wird je
nach Thema des Artikels angepasst, dies in
Zusammenarbeit mit Kulturzeitschriften und
Berufsverbänden.
Bereits veröffentlicht:
•Nr.1:Le grand écart de l’auteur polymorphe,
vonPierre-LouisChantre(Winter2002).DerAutor
untersucht die schwierigen Beziehungen in den
Westschweizer Film- und Theaterkreisen (nur
französischlieferbar).
• Nr. 2: Lachen ist eine ernsthafte Angelegenheit,
von Christine D’Anna-Huber (Herbst
2003). Die Autorin beschäftigt sich mit der
besonderen Stellung der Schweizer Komiker
aufkulturellerundwirtschaftlicherEbene(französischunddeutschlieferbar).
Sie können diese Sonderdrucke auf www.ssa.ch
herunterladen oder kostenlos anfordern bei der
SSA, rue Centrale 12-14, case postale 7463,
1002Lausanne,Tel.:0213134455,info@ssa.ch.
6

Joost Smiers
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Do we need monopolistic control?
WTO
GATS
TRIPs
free trade
economic globalisation
neoliberal agenda
film, music,
books, theatre,
dance, design,
soap operas, shows,
visual arts,
UNESCO
convention on cultural diversity
regulations in favour of cultural
diversity
multimedia
digital domain
Utrecht School of the Arts

Joost Smiers
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Do we need monopolistic control?
Joost Smiers is professor of political science of the arts at the Utrecht
School of the Arts, the Netherlands, and formerly visiting professor,
Department of World Arts and Cultures, UCLA, Los Angeles. He has
written, lectured and researched extensively in the area of decision-making
in cultural matters worldwide, on new visions of creative and intellectual
property, copyright and the public domain, on freedom of expression
versus responsibility, and on cultural identities. His books include Arts
Under Pressure. Promoting Cultural Diversity in the Age of
Globalization (London 2003, Zed Books)
Permission is freely given to anyone wishing to copy, reproduce,
distribute or translate any part or parts of this booklet but please
acknowledge and then notify the author if so doing:
Joost Smiers
Research Group Arts & Economics
Utrecht School of the Arts
P.O. Box 1520
3500 BM UTRECHT
The Netherlands
Tel.: 0031-30-2332256
joost.smiers@central.hku.nl
See for the digital version of this booklet:
www.hku.nl (! over de hku ! publicaties)
Language editor: Lyn Brown (Dartington, UK)
Cover and book design: Jaap van den Dries
Utrecht School of the Arts
February 2004

CONTENTS
Introduction 4
chapter 1
1 January 1985: from culture to trade 9
Unesco – WTO 9
Why should we have cultural conglomerates? 13
The human right of access 16
chapter 2
WTO - no safe haven for culture 21
Preliminary skirmishes 21
WTO: a commercial perspective 23
A new binding international instrument on cultural diversity 29
chapter 3
Convention on Cultural Diversity 33
The capacity of all states to preserve and enhance cultural diversity 33
Cultural diversity: signifiers in human life 40
Guiding principles 41
chapter 4
Regulations in favour of cultural diversity 51
Robust regulatory systems 51
Ownership regulations 53
Content regulations 63
The carrots: subsidies, tax policies and other incentives 73
Public accountability 77
Monitoring 81
at the end comes the beginning
Strategic Observation 85
Bibliography 88

4 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 5
INTRODUCTION
Most of the rumblings around the World Trade Organisation (WTO) have
been linked to questions on the divide between rich and poor countries,
agriculture, health and the pharmaceutical industries. In Seattle, Cancún
and all these other cities where the present economic globalisation was
contested, cultural movements were in the opinion of the public,
remarkably invisible. Therefore, it might be surprising to know that the
cultural sectors in our societies have set a far reaching proposal on the
agenda that could contribute to the weakening of the WTO system: the
establishment of a Convention on Cultural Diversity. The purpose of such
a Convention is that culture must be freed from the liberalising grip of the
world trade system. It should strengthen a country’s sovereign right to
maintain and install all those measures they feel appropriate for the
protection and the promotion of cultural diversity within their society and
in their relationships with other countries too. To reach this ideal, serious
juridical pitfalls should be overcome, not to mention fierce political
struggles.
This Convention, once ratified and signed by a substantial number
of countries, must shield them from trade retaliations because of their
cultural policies that may include subsidy systems, preferential tax
treatments for domestic cultural initiatives, ownership and content
regulations, and regulations that would make cultural industries publicly
accountable. In the present economically dominated world order all kinds
of protective measures have been considered as distortions of the
glorified free trade and are therefore meant to be abolished. This is also the
purpose of the new round of trade negotiations within WTO (the so-called
Doha Round) that was started in 2001. Cultural conglomerates wanting to
attain even more exhibition space and selling points world-wide than they
have already, press hard to make countries open up their cultural markets
completely and remove all protective measures that stand in their way.
However, if ownership and decision-making concerning cultural life
is being controlled in a substantial manner by just a few cultural industries
worldwide, then fundamental human rights and democracy are in danger.
Human communication, expressed in all different forms of the arts, and the
access to its means of production and distribution, should be as free and
diverse as possible and should in no way be controlled by a few forces
that dominate cultural markets in all corners of the world. This is about to
happen. This book is about why there is a need for a Convention on
Cultural Diversity (chapter 1); why the WTO is not an appropriate place
for the protection and promotion of cultural diversities (chapter 2); and
what such a Convention should look like (chapter 3).
If its goal is to strengthen countries’ rights to regulate their cultural
domain in favour of cultural diversity, then an important topic should be:
what appropriate kinds of regulations are effective, flexible, acceptable,
understandable and convincing? A substantial part of the book, chapter 4,
discusses this complicated topic and illustrates it with many examples of
ownership and content regulations, from all fields of the arts, and from as
many countries in the world as possible. We should get a better grip on
understanding how to combine the freedom of cultural communication
with implementing regulatory systems in favour of cultural diversity, and
not be hindered by any trade retaliations or by cultural industries that
occupy a too large a share of the cultural market or limit the cultural offer
to stars, bestsellers and blockbusters.
Cultural diversity is the central concept of the proposed Convention, and
a goal for cultural life, wheresoever in the world. By promoting this
diversity the focus is on what we commonly call the arts. Of course,
artistic expressions have impact on and reflect the broad way of life (which
would be covered by the broad anthropological concept of culture), and
are crucial in how we define and develop our identities. Moreover, the
world of the arts is a significant and decisive segment of specific human
communication in all societies. Here deeply felt feelings are expressed. It
includes all forms of communication that have an aesthetic aspect;
expressed in film, theatre, music, dance, opera, musicals, soaps, shows,
pornography, design, visual arts, novels, poems and all different derived
forms; exhibited in many distinguished genres; making noise or inviting
silent reflection; produced and distributed on a small or a large scale;
attracting and entertaining massive audiences and buyers or only modest
groups of devotees; embodied in material, audiovisual or digital
substances; ritualised, secularised, or commercialised.
Thus, speaking about the broad field of the arts as it functions in
our societies, a distinction between culture and entertainment is not
relevant. The scale of the production and distribution of films, books,
music, theatre performances, design and visual arts (whether in the
material, audiovisual or digital world) is not relevant as a distinguishing
criterion for inclusion or exclusion in the concept of cultural life. Indeed,

6 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 7
some forms of artistic expression are more entertaining, and others invite
calm reflection, or do both. However, such kinds of distinctions (and there
are many more to make: a work may, for instance, be more traditional or
more experimental) do not relate to the size of production, distribution and
promotion. Artistic expressions created, produced, distributed, promoted
and received on a mass scale belong to the cultural field of a society as
much as the music, films, books, et cetera, that have a smaller scale.
It is important to be aware that artistic expressions in different
cultures present themselves in diverse ways; they may have distinct ways
of presentation, entrepreneurial infrastructures, meanings, financial
underpinnings, artistic professions, attentiveness of audiences, and many
other kinds of struggles and contradictions. We should not forget that
artistic fields are often symbolic battlegrounds about, for instance, what
sounds are important and are organised for maximum attention, what
words are terrible and should be suppressed, and what kinds of images are
absolutely powerful and seduce until the magic has been broken. It is a
continuous hegemonic struggle. But this struggle concerns all artistic
expressions, whether they have been produced, distributed and promoted
on a huge or a small scale. This fight includes moral, aesthetic, social, legal
and economic aspects.
Although it may be confusing and conflicting, it is exactly this
multitude of artistic expressions that should have the right to exist, with its
own conditions, and they should certainly not be organised by just a few
enterprises. This multitude differs in any society (whether geographically
destined or digitally constituted). Of course, artists and their
intermediaries should be able to make a living, and that is the
entrepreneurial side of their work. However, the social domain that
concerns the freedom of communication should not be taken over
completely by commercial forces.
The second word in the concept “cultural diversity” (from a
democratic perspective) concerns not only the much-desired diversity of
artistic expressions (the content) and occasions for cultural
communication. It is just as important that there are many owners of the
means of production and distribution and many decision-makers
concerning the artistic communication. A Convention on Cultural
Diversity would strengthen, one would hope, the national states’
competence to make sure that this can be realised. It is not about
excluding works of art and entertainment from the cultural market; it is
about guaranteeing that audiences may be confronted with the broad
range of options that exist and, then, make their choice.
Mid October 2003 the General Conference of Unesco unanimously
adopted a resolution mandating its director-general to develop, in two
years time, a preliminary draft Convention on protecting cultural content
and artistic expression. In chapter 3 we will see that a couple of drafts for
such a Convention exist already, which may speed up the process within
Unesco. Nevertheless within this unanimity, the United States (since
recently back in Unesco; see chapter 1) made clear that, for them, culture is
a product like any other, and therefore a new international legally binding
instrument for culture is superfluous and makes no sense. However,
representatives of most other countries spoke passionately and with great
force in favour of such a Convention. This may not be surprising because
people are fighting for their identities. These contradictory viewpoints
between the US and nearly all the rest of the world will take Unesco, within
the next few years, into a decisive battleground on the fundamental
question of whether artistic expression will be a trade only product, or
whether other values will mitigate the huge commercial interests that
narrow diversity and open access to the tools of cultural communication.
World-wide there are quite a lot of people already involved in pushing the
idea of a Convention on Cultural Diversity and making the analytical effort
to formulate what it should look like while trying to solve the numerous
contradictions and near impossibilities that belong to such an immense
project. I had the pleasure of interviewing Ivan Bernier, Peter Grant, Garry
Neil, and Yvon Thiec for this book. The International Network for Cultural
Diversity (INCD), a cultural NGO, is, and has been for many years, an
excellent breeding ground for the development of my thinking about arts
in the global context. The Research Group Arts and Economics of the
Utrecht School of the Arts is a more than welcome home from where I visit
the world and its arts, and my colleague Giep Hagoort in this Research
Group continues to inspire. Johanna Damm, Lisa Kölker, and Alies
MacLean gave me very welcome logistical and research support.
On 25, 26 and 27 September 2003 I had the opportunity to invite
more than twenty researchers and cultural activists from all parts of the
world to a working conference Regulations in Favour of Cultural
Diversity (which is the basis for chapter 4) in the Cultural Centre De Balie
in Amsterdam, organized by Eric Kluitenberg and Liedewij Loorbach. The
conference was supported by the Dutch development organization Hivos.

8 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 9
The participants of the conference were: Jeebesch Bagchi (India),
Leonardo Brant (Brazil), Suzanne Burke (Trinidad and Tobago), Mariétou
Diongue Diop (Senegal), Gillian Doyle (Scotland), Fernando Duran
Ayanegui (Costa Rica), Ben Goldsmith (Australia), Mike van Graan (South
Africa), Nilanjana Gupta (India), Souheil Houissa (Tunisia), Jane Kelsey
(New Zealand), Garry Neil (Canada), Nina Obuljen (Croatia), K.S. Park
(Korea), Paul van Paaschen (the Netherlands), Caroline Pauwels (Belgium),
Alinah Segobye (Botswana), Rafael Segovia (Mexico), Josh Silver (United
States), Yvon Thiec (France), Inge van der Vlies (the Netherlands), Roger
Wallis (Sweden), Karel van Wolferen (the Netherlands), and Gina Yu
(Korea). The rapporteur of this conference was Barbara Murray; her
observations helped me to formulate certain issues more precisely than
otherwise would have been possible. The draft of this booklet was read
more than carefully by Max Fuchs, Mike van Graan, Christophe Germann,
Lisa Kölker, Nina Obuljen, and Verena Wiedemann.
I feel indebted by the attention all of them have given to this project
and very honoured by their continuing warm friendship.
chapter 1
1 JANUARY 1985: FROM CULTURE TO TRADE
Unesco - WTO
The 1st of January 1985 is a remarkable day. It is one of those moments in
history in which the symbolic clinching of a specific development can be
observed. What happened on this New Years Day? It was the moment that
the United States of America left Unesco, followed later by the United
Kingdom and Singapore. (Preston 1989). It was not just the leaving of an
organisation. It was the symbolic expression of the wish of the US to get
rid of all kinds of measures that were intended to protect and to promote
local cultural life wherever in the world, and to consider cultural
expressions as commercial products only, whose trade should take place
without constraints. (Drahos 2002)
Around 1960 many former colonies became independent. Soon they
discovered that this independence was relative, especially concerning
information and culture. The place to discuss this imbalance between the
rich and the poor countries was evidently Unesco, the United Nations’
cultural organisation. Three demands emerged in the 1970s: ‘greater
variety in sources of information, less monopolisation of the forms of
cultural expression, and preservation of some national cultural space from
the pervasive commercialisation of Western cultural outpourings.’
(Schiller 1989: 142). The desire to change the cultural relations and
relations of communication throughout the world became a movement that
was called the New World Information and Communication Order
(NWICO).
After many conferences and declarations on this topic Unesco
asked for a report to investigate what this new order should look like. The
Commission, presided by the Irish law scholar Sean MacBride came out
with a book, entitled Many Voices, One World. Towards a more just and a
more efficient world information and communication order. (MacBride
1980). One of the recommendations (number 58) claims that concerning
culture and information effective legal instruments should be designed to:
‘(a) limit the process of concentration and monopolisation; (b)
circumscribe the action of trans-nationals by requiring that they comply
with specific criteria and conditions defined by national legislation and

10 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 11
development policies; (c) reverse trends to reduce the number of decisionmakers
at a time when the media’s public is growing larger and the impact
of communication is increasing; (d) reduce the influence of advertising
upon editorial policy and broadcast programming; (e) seek and improve
models which would ensure greater independence and autonomy of the
media concerning their management and editorial policy, whether these
media are under private, public or government ownership.’ (MacBride
1980: 266).
Unesco was not allowed the time to make more concrete, and
formulate, and possibly encourage the implementation of such legal
instruments that would favour what we would nowadays call cultural
diversity. From the end of the 1970s on, the US did two things. First, it
fulminated against the idea that information and cultural policies would be
designed that would hinder the so-called “free flow of information”. Of
course, freedom of expression is an important value, as long as it is a
freedom for everybody to communicate. The “free flow of information”
principle, however, mixed up economic and cultural freedom. The
economic freedom might result in the extremely strong market positions of
just a few cultural conglomerates that push aside the production,
distribution, promotion, and reception opportunities of many other
different cultural initiatives. This is what was happening in the 1970s and
the newly independent countries suffered the most from this “free flow of
information” principle and practice.
The idea of a New World Information and Communication Order
tried to reverse this trend. The demands became clear, and it was time to
take the next step, to formulate concrete policies on a global scale and the
place to do so was within Unesco. The development of alternatives for the
“free flow” principle and practice is exactly what the US strongly opposed,
and in the end this cultural superpower left Unesco. We write the 1st
January 1985. This was the deathblow of the New World Information and
Communication Order.
The United States did a second thing at the same time as it was
preparing its withdrawal from Unesco. It had another new world order in
mind, a new world order of “free markets” economics. Jerry Mander writes
that this neoliberal agenda would oblige countries, for instance, to open
their markets to foreign trade and investments without requiring a majority
in local ownership; eliminating all tariff barriers. It would severely reduce
government spending, especially in areas of services to the poor; convert
small-scale-self-sufficient family farming to high-tech, pesticide-intensive
agribusiness that produces one-crop export commodities such as coffee.
And it would demonstrate an unwavering dedication to clearing the last
forests, mining the last minerals, diverting and damming the last rivers, and
getting native peoples off their lands and resources by any means
necessary. (Mander 1993: 19).
The moment that Unesco became toothless, a new round of
negotiations inside GATT, the Uruguay Round, started. It had trade
liberalisation as its main aim more than ever before, resulting in the
establishment of the WTO in 1995, with some new treaties, like GATS (the
General Agreement on Trade and Services) and TRIPs (the agreement on
Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights). In 1993 Martin
Khor foresaw that this liberalisation would accelerate the evolution of
monocultures. Governments would find it increasingly difficult to regulate
or prevent cultural and service imports. ‘Since the largest and most
powerful enterprises belong to the North, the already rapid spread of
modern Western-originating culture will be accelerated even more. Cultural
diversity would thus be rapidly eroded.’ (1993: 104). A decade later we
may conclude that this is true and not true. The cultural conglomerization
is progressing, month after month. At the same time multitudes of cultural
initiatives of artists, associations and small enterprises take place,
everywhere in the world, day after day. (Smiers 2003: 88-102).
Thus the challenge is to give those initiatives ample space and
opportunity, because this diversity is what we need from a democratic
perspective. Second, the presence and power of cultural conglomerates
should be reduced substantially. Otherwise, it becomes nearly impossible
to get access to the main channels of cultural communication - which is a
basic human right. (See later in this chapter).
The issue of how to deal with the free trade negotiations that would
affect cultural diversity came up in Canada first. Around 1986 this country
became involved in preparatory discussions with the US about liberalising
their markets for each other. It quickly became clear at the political level in
Canada that there was to be an impact on the cultural sovereignty of the
country. This became a serious political issue, perhaps strangely enough
more in Ontario than in Québec. In Ontario many people were concerned
about the cultural aspect because they are Anglophone and were much
more invaded by American programmes than was the case in Francophone
Québec. There, for instance, the most popular television programmes were
made in Québec, while in the rest of Canada nine out of ten programmes
came from the United States. Nevertheless, the free trade agreement

12 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 13
between Canada and the US was sealed. However, the awareness that
trade liberalisation might be a danger for the development of cultural
diversity was implanted in the consciousness of many people in Canada.
Meanwhile, the discussions on furthering trade liberalisation also
concerning culture within the Uruguay Round went on. This was scarcely
noticed in Europe, and most Third World countries had to cope with their
defeat in Unesco and with the debt burdens that kept them busy and made
them politically ineffective on a global scale. Around 1989 Canada started
to demand that culture should be excluded from the discussions within the
Uruguay Round, without getting much support from other countries.
Hardly anybody, for instance in Europe, could imagine that culture would
be embedded in a free trade agreement, and thus nobody cared. This
changed at the end of 1992. Mainly in France the awareness grew that
liberalising culture within the newly established services agreement
(GATS) would have serious consequences for French culture, and
specifically for French film making. This mobilised many artists and others
who were concerned about the survival of French cultural life. From then
on the process swiftly progressed. Action groups published a two page
advertisement against harbouring culture in GATS on 29 September 1993
in five major European newspapers: le Monde in France, the Independent
in the UK, Le Soir in Belgium, the Frankfurter Allgemeine in Germany and
El Pais in Spain. There was also a big manifestation in the Odeon theatre in
Paris.
All of a sudden Europe entered into a huge cultural conflict with the
US. Jack Valenti, the president of the Movie Picture Association of
America claimed that under the pretext of culture Europe wished to protect
its economic interests concerning film. This complete lack of
understanding of the cultural values many people in Europe like to defend
added fuel to the fire. Artists demanded that the European Commission
propose a cultural specificity clause that would, amongst others, permit
the continuation and extension of public aid and operational subsidies,
allow screen time to be reserved for indigenous production of films and TV
programmes, and permit the regulation of existing and future broadcasting
technologies and transmission technologies. However, the Commission
did not wish to push it that far, in order to avoid the failure of the whole
negotiation process of the Uruguay Round (which had to be finished on
15 December 1993).
In the last days and nights before 15 December 1993 the US and the
European Union reached an agreement that culture would be regarded as
one of the services under the new GATS agreement within WTO.
However, the European Union did not make commitments concerning
culture, along with most other nations, with the notable exception of New
Zealand. This meant that culture stayed a blank page within GATS for
most countries. In France, and some other countries, this blank page was
called the cultural exemption. Blank page means, however, no more than: a
country (or, in the case of Europe, for instance, the whole European
Union) may continue to make its regulations in favour of cultural diversity,
as it considers appropriate.
We must note that the use of the concept of “cultural exemption” is
a misunderstanding. It must be said, as a marketing term it functioned very
well for a while, expressing the wish that culture should not belong to the
field of trade and should be exempted from the liberalisation in this field.
But the reality is different. Culture is not exempted from the free trade
agreement. In 1993 the European Union and most other countries agreed
with the US that culture is an integral part of GATS which means that it is
also subject to the drive of the WTO to liberalise markets continuously.
Except that Europe in 1993, like many other countries, would not make
commitments to liberalise its cultural markets more than was already the
case.
The idea that a cultural exemption exists is thus a dream and does
not cover reality. In the GATS context culture is less protected against the
free trade wind than many people would like to think. And now, it is
extremely complicated to get culture out of the free trade only context of
WTO and its services agreement, GATS. This is the challenge to be
discussed in chapter 3.
Why should we have cultural conglomerates?
Meanwhile, in the decade following 1993 multiple mergers of cultural
conglomerates have taken place that has brought several cultural
enterprises into the hands of companies that have never been active in the
cultural sectors before. These companies are horizontally and vertically
integrated and linked by cross-ownerships. Robert McChesney notes that
two dozen or so firms control the overwhelming percentage of movies, TV
shows, cable systems, books, magazines, newspapers, billboards, music
and TV networks ‘that constitute the media culture that occupies one-half
of the average American’s life. It is an extraordinary degree of economic

14 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 15
and social power in very few hands.’ (2002: 49). A film, for instance, is not
merely a film anymore. ‘The great profit in the media today comes from
taking a movie or TV show and milking it for maximum return through spinoff
books, CDs, video games, and merchandise. Hence it is virtually
impossible to compete as a “stand-alone” movie studio, TV network, or
music company, when one’s competitors are part of vast empires. This has
fuelled the massive conglomeration rush of the past fifteen years.’ (Ibid.).
Therefore Benjamin Barber claims that with ‘a few conglomerates
controlling what is created, who distributes it, where it is shown, and how
it is subsequently licensed for further use, the very idea of a genuinely
competitive market place in ideas or images disappears . . .’ (1996: 89).
Besides these super-conglomerates, there are fifty or so second tier
giants that are national or regional powerhouses, like Mexico’s Televisa,
Brazil’s Globo, Argentina’s Clara, Venezuela’s Cisneros Group, and
Berlusconi’s Mediaset in Italy. ‘These firms tend to dominate their own
national markets and media markets, which have been experiencing rapid
consolidation as well. They have extensive ties and joint-ventures with the
largest media Transnational Corporations, as well as with Wall Street
investment banks.’ 1 Their political influence is abundant. Gillian Doyle
remarks that ‘the Berlusconi case provides compelling evidence of a
causal connection between concentrated media ownership and
undesirable narrowing in the diversity of political opinions available to the
public via the media.’ (2002: 20).
An interesting question is ‘what gains arise when media firms
embark on strategies of enlargement and cross-sectoral expansion?’
(Doyle 2002: 45). This is a serious issue, because ‘arguments based
around “economic” concerns have gained increased status in debates
about media ownership policy in recent years. Gillian Doyle judges it
‘important to investigate what, if any, economic benefits or costs may be
associated with enlarged and diversified firms. One of the worrying
conclusions that emerges from studying recent changes in media
ownership policy in the UK and across Europe is that relatively little
independent investigation or systematic analysis of the consequences of
these changes has been carried out by policy-makers.’ (2002: 172). She
claims, that ‘the general absence of any robust body of independent
research into the economic implications of deregulating media ownership
has greatly favoured corporate interests. It has meant that, in general,
large media firms’ own interpretations of technological and market
developments, and of the economic implications of these developments,
have been allowed to dominate the policy agenda in the UK and elsewhere
in Europe without any attempt at systematic empirical corroboration.’
(2002: 173).
Without any doubt such research would show that cultural
conglomerates are rather inefficiently operating enterprises. Their financial
gains depend upon an extremely limited number of big successes, while
most of what they produce and distribute is loosing even its initial
investments. They are not merging endlessly because of their strength,
but it is their financial and organisational catastrophic position that drives
them to eating up even bigger slices of the cultural market. This is a
synergy that has been born out of need, while many banks do hope to see
a return on the invested money.
Will Hutton makes Gillian Doyle’s amazement concrete with an
example. ‘The telecom companies wanted less regulation, they wanted the
right to build their own self-standing networks and they wanted their
allocations on the terrestrial spectrum to be as free as possible from public
service obligations; long-distance carriers wanted to enter local markets;
all wanted cross-ownership rules relaxed. All that they wanted, they got.’
(2002: 204). And then the dot-com bubble burst, ‘followed inevitably by
the end of the telecoms boom – in which trillions of dollars were at stake.
We are left with vast overcapacity, threatened bankruptcies and a massive
debt overhang in which only a fraction of the capital invested is remotely
recoverable.’ The conclusion of these failed success stories? Will Hutton:
‘And despite it all, no country can boast a complete broadband cable
network. If the public sector in the leading industrial countries had spent a
fraction of the lost cash in each building one public network, the spread of
the information economy would have been faster by years. That was
forbidden by the conservative orthodoxy.’ (2002: 206,7).
His observation may help us to be less reserved when in chapter 4
we propose regulations in favour of the protection and promotion of
cultural diversity. We should take into account that there is no objective
requirement as to why we should have such huge cultural conglomerates
that dominate nearly all the cultural fields in our societies.
1 Robert McChesney, The New Global Media. It’s a Small World of Big
Conglomerates, The Nation, November 1999.

16 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 17
The human right of access
Besides this economic waste, the question of media ownership has a
decisive human rights aspect, because it concerns the right of access to
the means of communication which is important as this allows individual
people and communities to develop their own identity. Having a large
number of owners of cultural enterprises is important for the democratic
substance of any society.
There are two articles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
concerning every person’s rights of access to the means of
communication, and the fields of the arts. Article 19 says: ‘Everyone has
the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom
to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart
information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.’ If
everyone has this right, it should not be hindered by dominant forces that
substantially control the means of cultural communication. Opinions and
ideas, as mentioned in the article, are plural and should have plural
sources of origin. There should be “any media” indeed where people can
seek, receive and impart information, including artistic expressions, and
not some media controlled by a few owners. This article speaks about,
what we call nowadays, the right of access to the channels of
communication for as many people as possible, and not just for a handful
of cultural conglomerates.
The first clause of article 27 focuses on the cultural circumstances
of the people’s lives. ‘Everyone has the right to participate in the cultural
life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific
advancements and its benefits.’ The central concept in this phrase is the
word “community”. Thanks to the weird coalition of Thatcher and
postmodernists the concept of “community” has become threatened over
the last few decades and has been replaced by the ideology that we are
isolated individuals who strive only for our own interests. But what about
refugees for instance? For them, a safe haven is a community somewhere
in the world that gives them the security that their own society does not
provide. (Smiers 2003: 82). Of course, there are many definitions and
practices of communities, but it always concerns the exchange of opinions
and feelings, expressed in artistic forms as well. The artistic enjoyment
tells people who they are, what is their common pleasure, what are
contradictory feelings and what they are dreaming of; it gives them their
identity. The cultural life of a community should not be taken over by
mainly entrepreneurs who dominate culture worldwide, and who do not
participate in the common daily life of a society. For the present, it is
justified to compare cultural industries with absent landlords. We should
re-invent the value and the practice of communities, and give people back
the active right to participate in the cultural life of their communities.
Referring to article 19, indeed, this should be regardless of frontiers.
The question of ownership concerns democracy as well. If the
essence of democracy is that many voices can express themselves and can
be heard, then this plurality should also be the characteristic of the
ownership of the means of cultural communication. Nobody and no
corporation should be entitled to be the main or the only organiser of the
cultural life in any society. This is the basic principle. In chapter 4 the
discussion will be about how to regulate the cultural market in order to
reach this plurality and to avoid oligopolistic ownership relations.
Because of the human rights aspect of cultural communication, care
and attention are needed so that diversity can flourish. The character of
the production, distribution and promotion of cultural creations means
that works of art should be treated in ways other than just ordinary
commodities. 2 Cultural goods and services communicate ideas, and are
less utilitarian than most commodities. Mostly there is no assembly line.
Cultural creations are expensive one-time processes that then can be
stored cheaply, duplicated and delivered. The marginal cost of unit of
product is insignificant. The demand for cultural works is difficult to
estimate in advance. The substitutability with other products is limited;
cultural creations are more or less unique. Most products have a time line
of demand that continues indefinitely until the next product cycle. In
cultural matters the demand may fall off sharply after the introduction of
the artistic work and the next product replaces it, and this may be
measured in weeks or months. The pricing of cultural creations is highly
discriminatory, dependent upon fame, nature of use, or character of the
market. The cultural product can be priced as low as required or as high as
the market can bear. Most works of art do not end by its consumption,
they are endlessly available; that gives them the status of being public
goods too. The promotion of a work of art must be intense at the time of
the introduction while other commodities demand advertising over many
years.
2 The following enumeration is based on the paper by Peter S. Grant at the Deuxième
Rencontres Internationales des organisations professionnelles de la culture; une
manifestation organisée par le Comité de Vigilance pour la diversité culturelle, Paris,
2,3,4 February 2003.

18 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 19
In any society the field of all different artistic creations is a specific
sector. Something must be done to ensure the flourishing of diversity in
this domain of cultural communication. Cultural diversity deserves some
forms of regulation. In the context of globalisation and trade liberalisation,
there is a need to recognise the particular character of cultural goods and
services and to what extent they contribute to the development of social
life in any given society. This brings us unavoidably to the national
states, because they are the only entities in the world that (should) have
the competence and power to structure markets and economic practices.
National states should be allowed to take the measures they feel are
necessary to protect and to promote cultural diversity, in view of their own
circumstances and conditions.
It should be recognised, however, that several national states are
not the benign institutes that one hopes for. The suppressing practices of
such states are completely against the idea of cultural diversity and what it
stands for. As we might see in chapter 3, a highly charged debate is
whether national states, signing a Convention on Cultural Diversity,
should be obliged to install cultural policies that protect and promote the
development of cultural diversity, and refrain from censorship and other
forms of suppression of artistic expression.
A second observation concerning national states must be made as
well. Only a few of them possess the capacity to develop on their own the
kinds of artistic expressions that demand the investment of substantial
amounts of money and technological and organizational infrastructures to
produce and distribute them. This makes these countries an open goal for
the products of cultural industries from abroad. Of course, they have an
abundance of creative artists. When the equipment they need is very
cheap, diversity can flourish in the appropriate outlets. But, when the need
for technical and infrastructural resources is greater – as is the case, for
instance for audiovisual products – then these countries face
insurmountable problems, financially and in the field of building cultural
infrastructures.
What should be done? In order to make them independent from the
Western cultural industries a Cultural Development Fund should be
established. Western countries should feel obliged to contribute
considerably to such a Fund that should be administered in the framework
of Unesco, together with the supervision of the Convention on Cultural
Diversity. Artists in the poorer parts of the world should have the chance
to produce works of art and entertainment that can compete in audience
attention with the products of the cultural giants, without imitating them.
Obviously, those countries should not forget to make their own efforts, as
well.
The wish for modest and efficient forms of regulations must be seen in the
context of a greater movement to make systems of checks and balances
more respected again. The Human Development Report 1999 speaks about
governance. ‘Governance does not mean more government. It means the
framework of rules, institutions and established practices that set limits
and give incentives for the behaviour of individuals, organizations and
firms. Without strong governance, the dangers of global conflicts could
be a reality of the 21 st century – trade wars promoting national and
corporate interests, uncontrolled volatility setting off civil conflicts,
untamed global crime infecting safe neighbourhoods and criminalizing
politics, business and the police.’ (Human Development Report 1999: 8).
In this context Gillian Doyle hopes that at some stage in the future
‘regulation of media ownership will become unnecessary. As barriers for
market entry diminish and as more and more new avenues for distribution
of media become available, it is suggested that a diversity of political and
cultural representations will flourish without any need for special
ownership restrictions.’ (2002: 178). She is aware, however, that at the
present moment safeguarding pluralism implies a need for restrictions
‘which would eliminate undesirable concentrations of media power . . .’
(2002: 157).
The challenging question (which is to be discussed in the next
chapter) is whether WTO rulings outlaw the possibility of installing the
necessary regulations for the sustainment of the development of cultural
diversity, concerning all the diversified fields of the arts.

20 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 21
chapter 2
WTO - NO SAFE HAVEN FOR CULTURE
Preliminary skirmishes
At first glance the impression may be that there should not be too many
worries about the possible negative implications of GATS for cultural
diversity. Most countries in the world did not make any commitments in
1993 regarding culture and specifically not for the audiovisual field. This
means that their hands are not tied and they can make as many regulations
for cultural diversity as they may wish to do so, according to the basic
principles of GATS. The only real demand is to be completely transparent
about existing regulations like: subsidy systems, content and ownership
rules, and other facilities in favour of the production, distribution and
promotion of the arts in all its categories.
Nevertheless, there is reason not to be complacent considering
what is at stake at the beginning of the twenty first century within WTO.
This is the topic of this chapter. During the last months of negotiations on
trade liberalization, in 1993 during the Uruguay Round, the United States
attacked Europe furiously on cultural matters. Specifically the president of
the Movie Picture Association of America, Jack Valenti, pretended, as
mentioned before, that the European desire to keep culture out of the free
trade realm was nothing less than a cover up for protecting the economic
interests of European cultural industries. His blunt remarks worked
counterproductively for the Americans because it mobilized artists all over
Europe in the defence of the right to protect cultural values. As we have
seen in chapter 1, the European Union and most other states, did not make
commitments concerning culture, but the American gain was that culture
became included in the framework of the trade regime. That is a huge gain,
as we will see in chapter 3. Several years after 1993 we may wonder
whether the apparently over-simplified statements by Jack Valenti and by
other American officials were so counterproductive after all. Piloting
culture into the port of the WTO was a real victory for the US cultural
industries and, it must be said, for their European and Japanese
counterparts as well.
In November 2001 a new round of negotiations with the purpose of
furthering trade liberalization started in Doha, and is due to end in 2005.

22 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 23
After the failure – or success? – of Cancún this date is no longer a
certainty. It may not be surprising that the issue of culture and trade is on
the agenda again. Some countries have tabled so called communications
on this issue at WTO, with Canada and the US at both ends of the scale.
The Canadian communication stipulates, that ‘GATS cannot be interpreted
as requiring governments to privatise or to deregulate any services. We
recognize the right of individual countries to maintain public services in
sectors of their choice. This is not a matter for the GATS negotiations.’ It
is clear that Canada will not make any commitments that restrict its ability
to achieve its cultural policy objectives ‘until a new international
instrument, designed specifically to safeguard the right of countries to
promote and preserve their cultural diversity, can be established.’ 3
The United States leaves behind what it calls the all-or-nothing
approach from 1993. ‘Some argue as if the only available options were to
exclude culture from the WTO or to liberalize completely all aspects of
audiovisual and related services.’ Such stark options obscure, according
to the US, some relevant facts. For instance, it hides the fact that
‘business and regulatory considerations affect the ability to make and
distribute audiovisual products, both to domestic and foreign audiences.
Creating audiovisual content is costly, and commercial success is
uncertain. Access to the international market is necessary to help recoup
costs. Predictable and clearly defined trade rules will foster international
exhibition and distribution opportunities and provide commercial benefits
that audiovisual providers must have to continue their artistic
endeavours.’ 4
The conclusion in the US communication is that GATS is a very
flexible treaty that is open to making full or partial commitments. However,
especially ‘in the light of the quantum increase in exhibition possibilities
available in today’s digital environment, it is quite possible to enhance
one’s cultural identity and to make trade in audiovisual service more
transparent, predictable, and open.’ The conclusion is that the ‘choices
are not, nor have they ever been, a choice between promoting and
preserving a nation’s cultural identity and liberalizing trade in audiovisual
services.’ 5
3 WTO, Council on Trade in Services, Communication from Canada, Initial Canadian
Negotiating Proposals, 14 March 2001: Doc. S/CSS/W/46.
4 WTO, Council for Trade in Services, Communication from the United States,
Audiovisual and Related Services, 18 December 2000: Doc.S/CSS/W/21.
5 Ibid.
Let’s go back a moment to the remark in the American
communication that creating audiovisual content is costly and that access
to the international market is necessary to help recoup costs. But, there are
different kinds of “costly”. A film, for instance, can be made for 2 or 200
million dollars or euros. By definition it is not true that the higher the
amount of money the better the film. A relevant question therefore is why
audiovisual “content” (at present in the hands of cultural conglomerates)
should be as costly as it is. If we accept that this high price is not a
“necessity” (and it is not, because, for instance magnificent films can be
made for a tiny part of the price of blockbusters), then there would be no
need to have access to international markets to help recoup costs, and
certainly there would be no need to push other creations from the cultural
market. This would fundamentally change the debate on liberalizing
cultural markets, or not, The exaggerated and unnecessary high
production, distribution and promotion costs for cultural “products” do
not provide any justification for the worldwide domination of the cultural
place.
WTO: only commercial perspective
If we follow the United States’ arguments, the service agreement of WTO,
GATS, is a very open treaty. A country can make commitments to liberalize
its trade in culture, but is not obliged to do so. GATS in itself does not
hinder individual countries from regulating cultural markets according to
their wish.
This is true, and not true. Why this contradiction? Presently, GATS
does not force countries to make liberalizing commitments concerning
culture. But this open attitude is not the purpose of the whole of the WTO
system. WTO is a commercially driven organisation whose main goal is to
do away with trade restraints as quickly as possible. All social sectors
should be liberalised, including education, water, the environment,
transport, as well as culture. The US and some other countries consider it,
for instance, unacceptable that in many parts of the world people like to
keep their borders closed to genetically manipulated food. From a
commercial perspective this distorts trade indeed. However, the possibility
that other values may exist are absent in a trade only regime.
What are the major consequences of such a purely commercial regime?

24 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 25
* A distinction of the WTO treaties is that they imply National
Treatment and the principle of the Most Favoured Nation. National
Treatment means that enterprises from all countries have the same rights
as enterprises from the own country. In the cultural field this has the
consequence, for instance, that the national or regional subsidy systems
or other support measures for the arts must be open for everybody from all
over the world. Evidently, this is the end of such kinds of support
measures (that are not meant to be for the whole planet) and they are the
deathblow for many artistic initiatives in the country or region where the
support systems for the arts have to be abolished.
The principle of the Most Favoured Nation implies that a
commitment made to a specific country should also apply to all other
countries. For the cultural field this is harmful too, because it makes coproduction
agreements between specific countries no longer possible.
That is a pity. Many artists thrive by working together with specific artists
in other countries, and this may result in formal cultural collaboration
agreements between their countries. Such fruitful forms of working
together in the cultural field are not tolerated by WTO, or in any case not
the systems that support them. The ideology of WTO turns National
Treatment and the Most Favoured Nation principle into holy cows that do
not reflect the needs of the development of cultural diversity.
* Within WTO the risk remains that cultural considerations will be
addressed from a strictly trade perspective. In Doha an agreement was
reached defining that the negotiations will commence with an examination
of “trade distorting practices”. The US maintains for example, as said
before, that cultural subsidies, public service institutions like public
broadcasting and other measures to regulate the cultural market in favour
of cultural diversity are “trade distorting” and this may provide an avenue
for them to claim the abolishment of such measures. This is a serious and
dangerous issue because it may oblige countries to give up all the policy
tools they have developed to protect and to promote the development of
cultural diversity in their part of the world. Obviously, the US also puts
pressure on countries, bilaterally and multilaterally, to make commitments
to liberalise their cultural markets even more than is currently the case.
Thus, the number of trade making commitments will only increase with
time and the capacity of states to take measures for their own needs and
specific situations will be more and more restrained.
* The explicit objective of the ongoing GATS negotiations, given the
impetus by the launch of a new comprehensive round of talks at the Doha
Ministerial Meeting in November 2001, is to achieve a progressively
higher level of liberalization in services trade. (Neil 2002). The fact that this
is not yet the reality is an inconvenience that should be cleared away as
soon as possible. Thus, every country must know that what looks like an
open choice is only temporary. The perspective for the time being is that
there is first and foremost trade, and maybe some protective measures may
be tolerated. By the 1993 decision that culture has become basically a
trade issue, it has become part and parcel of the liberalising umbrella of
WTO, and the ultimate destiny is that it will be treated exactly like any
other goods and services. The intention of WTO is to have new
negotiation rounds every five years with the idea of liberalising markets
even more, until the moment that all kinds of restrictions have been
removed.
Speaking about culture, we must recognise the reality that market
forces alone cannot guarantee the maintenance and promotion of diverse
cultural expressions and of cultural diversity. Public policy, developed in
partnership with civil society and the private sector, is of vital importance
to ensure, for instance, the democratic access to the means of cultural
communication, and to respect the fundamental human rights, as
discussed in the first chapter.
* One of the biggest dangers of culture being within WTO is that it
has become an integral part of the negotiating process. It is not excluded
from the process of giving and taking. A country that refuses to make
commitments in its cultural fields may face sanctions with a refusal to its
requests for commitments in many other cases. If you refuse to negotiate
on culture, the US will say no to any other requests made for other
services. This may tempt a country to give up the right to continue to
have its own cultural policies. Such a humiliating situation should never
happen. If it is important to protect and to promote the flourishing of
cultural diversity, measures regulating the cultural market are necessary to
make sure that the market is not dominated by too small a number of large
producers and distributors. The right to apply such measures cannot and
must not be given up in trade negotiations.

26 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 27
* In the Doha Ministerial Declaration, November 2001, that was the
start of a new round of trade liberalisation and consequently of
abolishment of protective measures, there is a section about Trade and
Investments. Why might this be a threat for cultural diversity? For many
years investing enterprises have attempted to create free markets
throughout the world without being restrained by conditions concerning
their investments. In the mid-90s the rich countries have tried to reach this
ideal within the context of their association, the OECD, aiming at a
Multilateral Agreement on Investments (MAI). Such an agreement would
have abolished all kinds of obligations that enterprises would have when
they invest in other countries, as well as in poorer parts of the world.
Enterprises can hit and run as they like without providing benefits for poor
countries, even though it was proposed that countries had to pay
enterprises for the “losses” they would suffer from government measures
that were considered as detrimental.
Notably in Canada and in France the arts world protested against
such a treaty because it would prevent countries from being able to
regulate cultural markets in favour of cultural diversity. The link between
culture and investments is of course that nearly every cultural activity is
related to an investment. MAI intended making countries comply to the
wishes of investing enterprises. Due to the protests the preparations for
this investment treaty were cancelled.
But not forever. Investors are trying to get such a treaty, that makes
them more important than national states, within the WTO framework.
Garry Neil sums up what the consequences might be: ‘An investment
agreement could force a re-evaluation of a significant number of cultural
policies, including: prohibitions, limits or restrictions on foreign ownership
in the cultural industries; public service broadcasters and other public
institutions, since these might be perceived as unfair competitors for
private foreign investors; regulations that discriminate against foreign
broadcasting or publishing interests; co-production treaties; even
financial subsidy programs if these discriminate against foreign firms or
individuals. Should the agreement include an investor-state dispute
settlement system that permits individual firms to sue foreign
governments, the potential challenges by multinational firms in the
entertainment business would be great.’ (Neil 2001).
* It might even follow that a country may claim that another country
makes it impossible to harvest copyrights. How could this be the case?
The argument might be that a country that regulates its cultural market (for
instance by ownership regulations and other measures as will be
discussed in chapter 4) makes it impossible for an enterprise from another
country to get benefits from exercising their copyrights. Why? The answer
will be: these regulations provide artificial limits on how many sales (of
music for instance) can be made, and this is a distortion of the market
place. In any case, this could be the argument.
* In WTO a division has been made between the so-called goods and
services, a distinction that does not fit in cultural life as we know it, and
that might be harmful for the arts. First there was only GATT (since 1948)
that promoted trade liberalisation of goods between the member states.
During the Uruguay Round the concept of services was also introduced in
order to stimulate freedom of trade in non-tangible products. In the WTO a
new kind of agreement was established, notably on services, called GATS,
the General Agreement on Trade and Services, under whose umbrella
culture was placed as being services. But are cultural expressions goods
or services? Who knows? In trade terms one might say that the work of
the author, the painter, the musician or the film distributor is a “service”.
‘But the physical embodiment of the artistic creation can also be viewed as
a “good”. A magazine, book, compact disk and painting are all physical
objects with mass and texture.’ (Neil 2002).
What about the artistic expressions performed or shown in the
digital media? Are they “services” or “goods”? Apparently they are nontangible.
The US claims, however, that digital music or software (also with
a cultural content) should be considered as “goods”. One may wonder
why the struggle about those distinctions is so sharp. The fact is that
under GATT (the “goods” agreement) trade liberalisation has progressed
much more than in the sector of the so-called services. Moreover, the way
a country commits itself to a trade liberalisation is different under both
agreements. Under GATS a country itself makes the decision to make a
commitment to a certain opening of its market. Under GATT it is the
contrary. There are general measures about the liberalisation of specific
goods. A country that does not wish to adhere to this general rule must
exempt itself from this ruling, which is much more difficult than in the case
of GATS where the commitment is more of a choice.

28 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
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By pushing the whole digital field into the “goods” sector the US
hopes to liberalise this domain completely, preventing this field from being
regulated. It looks as though the US will say to Europe and other parts of
the world: you may keep the old media, but you should surrender the
future to us. This extremely important case may make all aware that culture
is not divisible in “goods” and “services”. Artists are always working in
different media, old and new alike, and also the results of their work are of
different shapes and qualities. To disconnect it in goods and services is
not helpful, specifically if the purpose is to suppress the possibility that
the digital field may be regulated in favour of the protection and promotion
of cultural diversity.
* Ivan Bernier and Hélène Ruiz Fabri conclude that under the
circumstances of economically driven globalisation cultural diversity is
threatened, ‘because the original and multiple identities of the groups and
societies that make up mankind are being undermined by a trade
liberalization process, whose final outcome is hard to predict. The process
in question, which is based largely on competition, tends to impose a
single commercial mould on the many expectations citizens have in
different realms of human activity and fosters new forms of social
organisation that call into question not only traditional ways of doing
things, but shared values as well.’ (Bernier 2002: 23).
The authors recognize that all national cultures have to adapt over
time to a variety of changes, both internal and external. The real problem
that the present form of economic globalisation poses for the diversity of
cultures ‘is whether the changes it brings about in values, lifestyles and
ways of doing things affect our ability to “promote and maintain a
pluralistic public space where citizens have access to and can participate
in cultural life, which itself is necessary for public life.” (in Raboy 1994: 77).
In other words, do such changes affect our ability to maintain distinct
cultural expressions?’ (Bernier 2002: 23). Cultural diversity is also
threatened, according to Ivan Bernier and Hélène Ruiz Fabri ‘by the impact
of trade liberalization on the capacity of states to sustain distinct cultural
expressions, since it prevents them from adopting standards that directly
or indirectly impede the circulation of cultural goods and services.’ (Ibid.).
They clarify, that these negotiations concern the various types of
government intervention commonly employed in the cultural sectors, such
as subsidies, quotas, restrictions on foreign investment, regulatory
measures, and so forth (see chapter 4). ‘Unfortunately, once a state agrees
to stop using one or more of these types of intervention, it cannot go back
on its decision. New Zealand found this out recently after making a
commitment during the Uruguay Round of negotiations to no longer apply
quantitative restrictions in the audiovisual services sector, effectively
limiting its leeway solely to subsidies. When it backtracked and
announced in its Ministry of Culture’s 2001-2002 activity program that it
planned to re-introduce radio and television quotas, the United States
soon made it clear that this was no longer possible.’ (Ibid.).
What is the case? New Zealand deregulated its broadcasting sector
and listed it as a covered service under the GATS. It is thus constrained
from reintroducing quotas, despite a change in government and clear
public will to re-regulate the sector. Nearly all printing and publishing
companies in New Zealand, as well as the majority of book retail outlets,
are owned and controlled by foreign interests. It is now difficult for New
Zealand writers to get works published or distributed locally. One may
conclude, that foreign dominance threatens local creativity and cultural
spontaneity.
A new binding international instrument on cultural diversity
The broader context of the odd relationship between culture and trade is
of course the movement that started in Seattle in 1999 disputing the
present ruthless economic globalisation. Apparently there are many
movements from different social and economic sectors that claim that trade
should be balanced with protecting measures of different character.
National governments should have the full right to shape the conditions
that a diversity of interests of its own citizens, of the surrounding region,
and of the world as a whole can continue to exist, and not be controlled by
only a few commercial forces. The world is not for sale, is the adage.
It would be desirable for all these movements to be more unified on
a global level and be able to change WTO completely; a change from
being the emperor of the world to, for example, the Ministry of Economic
Affairs of the United Nations only where trade concerns could be
balanced with, for instance, educational and social questions, with a new
partnership between agriculture and ecology, in brief the kind of balancing
that takes place within every government between the different ministries
and interests. This is not, yet, the case.

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Nevertheless, as we have seen before, the cultural domain in any
society has been confronted with an extremely urgent challenge. The
fundamental human right that many voices can express themselves, can be
heard, and can be discussed is acutely in danger. When cultural
corporations take over cultural life, even more than is now the case, and
when national, regional and local public authorities are no longer allowed
to support the development of cultural diversity within their territories and
in relation with other parts of the world, then we will miss something,
namely the huge diversity of voices, melodies, texts, films, performances,
books and images, which we need from a democratic perspective.
What to do in this pressing situation? There is no sign that the
present WTO is the place where basic human rights (such as: cultural
democracy, the flourishing of diverse cultural climates, and the
maintenance of a broad public domain for cultural developments) would be
respected, promoted and sustained. This is not the intention of WTO, and
under current conditions never will be. Thus, should we try another
Declaration on Cultural Diversity or another resolution, action plan,
recommendation, or guideline on the importance of culture for societies, as
several of them exist already? 6
Obviously, these are important documents that raise awareness
about the importance of cultural diversity, but they do not have a binding
legal force at a global level and have no competence to intervene in favour
of cultural diversity or on the rules and regulations concerning global
commerce. In chapter 1 we have seen how and why the US left Unesco in
1985: for the transplantation of culture to the sector where commercial
interests are the only players in the market place.
The only solution to safeguard cultural diversity is to take culture
out of WTO. Then, it will no longer be subject to the permanent pressure
of treating the arts, in all its forms, sizes and genres, as trade products.
Then, the risk that cultural diversity will disappear in the offertory-box of
full blown trade liberalisation will be over. Then, public authorities will
again be able to create the conditions, including the implementation of
regulative measures, so that a great variety of artistic creations and
presentations can flourish.
In order to make a Convention on Cultural Diversity viable, it is
necessary for countries to make no commitments within WTO that may
liberalize their cultural markets, notwithstanding the enormous pressure
they experience during the present Doha Round negotiations. For,
however it may be, WTO is a fly-trap. Once a country is in, it is nearly
impossible to get out of the commitments that the country has made. The
price is simply too high, as with the example of New Zealand, which, as
already mentioned before, made commitments in 1993 to open up their
audiovisual market. Despite the US propaganda that GATS is a very
flexible treaty (you enter, and leave when you may wish to do so), the
reality is different. Countries should refuse to make commitments within
the framework of WTO which could compromise their ability to achieve
their cultural policy aims. At the same time they should be careful that the
proposed Convention on Cultural Diversity does not become an empty
box, because governments have already given away their competence to
make those regulations and to sustain those support systems as they
judge appropriate for the protection of cultural diversity.
6 See, for instance, Unesco’s Action Plan on Cultural Policies for Development,
adopted in the Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies for Development,
Stockholm, Sweden, 2 April 1998; Council of Europe’s Declaration on Cultural
Diversity, Strasbourg, 7 December 2000; Unesco’s Universal Declaration of Cultural
Diversity, and its Action Plan, Paris, 2 November 2001.

32 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 33
chapter 3
CONVENTION ON CULTURAL DIVERSITY
The capacity of all states to preserve and enhance cultural diversity
The WTO is an immense power block of the economically dominant forces
enabling them to conquer markets all over the planet at an ever-increasing
rate unhindered by any regulatory measures. The economic interests of
the few remaining large cultural conglomerates are considerable and their
influence in WTO is significant. They demand the opening up of
worldwide markets for their “products”.
Considering the power they put behind this liberalizing project, it is
nearly impossible to get culture out of the grip of this “trade only” context
of the World Trade Organisation. Nevertheless, several countries and
non-governmental organisations attempt to do so. As said before, in mid
October 2003 Unesco agreed to invite its Director-General to develop a
first draft on the protection of the diversity of cultural contents and artistic
expressions. This could be good news. Hopefully this will result in a new
legally binding international instrument that will give national states, and
consequently local, regional and intergovernmental authorities, the full
right to maintain and implement those measures they consider necessary
for the preservation and promotion of cultural diversity.
Canada experienced with Nafta (its free trade agreement with the
US) that something that looked like an exception for culture in the treaty
did not work. The US managed to use another part of the treaty that made
trade interests more important than the right Canada thought it had for
protecting its own cultural life. In Canada in the mid 90s, this hard lesson
brought about the idea that the right of states taking measures in favour of
cultural diversity is not a welcome philosophy in free trade agreements,
and in practice it is impossible. If institutions like Nafta and, consequently,
WTO, do not respect the fact that cultural diversity is a value at least as
important as commercial interests, and those free trade treaties cannot and
will not guarantee that there should be an equal balance between the two,
what then? The answer was speedily found. The idea was to take culture
out of the WTO and to make a new legally binding international
instrument that would give states adhering to such a treaty the right to
take all the measures they think appropriate in order to protect and

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enhance cultural diversity; something similar to the Convention on
Biodiversity.
Actually, three drafts are circulating for such a Convention on
Cultural Diversity. One comes from Sagit, a Canadian association of
cultural enterprises. The second originates from a cultural NGO, the
International Network for Cultural Diversity, and the third draft was
composed by the International Network on Cultural Policy (INCP), an
association of more than fifty ministers of culture from all parts of the
world. This last draft will, without doubt, be the main source for Unesco
when drafting its own text for a Convention on Cultural Diversity. It is not
the purpose of this chapter to discuss and compare these three existing
drafts separately. It is more the intention to analyse what issues are at
stake in conceptualising such a framework of rules. 7
Before doing this, it is necessary not to raise false hopes and expectations.
Therefore we have to look in the direction of the 1969 Vienna Treaty on
the Law of Conventions. This treaty discusses how international
conventions that operate in (nearly) the same field relate to each other. It
says that the first convention on the same matter has priority. In the case
of culture it means this. As we have seen before, in December 1993 culture
has become part of GATS, the WTO treaty on trade and services. A new
international treaty, like a Convention on Cultural Diversity may intend to
bring culture out of the dispute settlement procedure of WTO, and may try
to safeguard countries that regulate their cultural market from trade
retaliations. Nevertheless, the US may wish to claim that this is impossible,
because all the obligations of WTO have priority above a new Convention
on Cultural Diversity.
Does this mean that the establishment, and all the preparatory work,
of such a Convention on Cultural Diversity would not make sense? Not at
all. Firstly, one could make the argument that there already is something
like an international legally binding instrument in the same field that dates
from the years prior to culture having been sneaked into GATS. This is the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights from 10 December 1948, which is of
course more important than any imaginable trade treaty. One may argue
that countries did not have the right to pilot culture into the port of WTO
and its services treaty. Why not? The Universal Declaration of Human
7 This chapter has been based on Bernier 2000; Bernier 2002; Ruiz Fabri 2003;
Wiedemann, 2002; the drafts of the Convention on Cultural Diversity of Sagit,
INCD, and INCP; and papers from and discussions during the conference of The
Comité de vigilance sur la diversité culturelle, Paris, 2, 3, 4 février 2003.
Rights guarantees that everybody should have access to the means of
communication. The WTO treaties however, open the possibility for this
right to be denied, and so it happens.
Thus, the claim might be that the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights came first, and so the WTO does not have the right to deal with
culture. A Convention on Cultural Diversity, however, derives its legal
status directly from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It would
give states (including the regional and local administrative levels) the right
to regulate markets in such a way that access to the means of cultural
communication is open to as many people as possible. It would also take
care that the cultural life from any community will not be taken over by
absent landlords, as we have defined cultural industries. A Convention on
Cultural Diversity would make concrete the aims of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. So, there is a direct link between these two
international instruments. The WTO, however, is an aberration that does
not fit into this line.
The second reason why it makes sense to continue to work on a
Convention on Cultural Diversity comes from the Doha Ministerial
Declaration from 14 November 2001, that started a new Round of trade
liberalisation (in disorder however, since its mid term September 2003
meeting in Cancún). Its Article 31 demands that the relation between
treaties in the fields of trade and environment must be scrutinized,
concretely of course between WTO and the Convention on Biodiversity.
It might be clear that here the same problem exists as between WTO and a
future Convention on Cultural Diversity. What has priority? It seems that
there exists a Working Group on trade and environment, but there is huge
secrecy on its membership, its agenda and its possible results. This may
not amaze because this undemocratic way of working is commonplace in
the WTO, and therefore the organization may be compared with the former
Soviet Union.
The question of cultural diversity is also involved in the conflict
that several developing countries like Brazil and India put on the agenda
on the consequences of the TRIPs agreement (the WTO treaty on so
called Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Properties) for sustaining the
Convention on Biodiversity. The purpose of this convention is the
protection of ecological diversity and concern for sustainable
development. Therefore, the convention says that states have the
sovereign right to protect their genetic resources, traditional knowledge
and the use of it in a sustainable manner; taking any measures they

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consider appropriate for this end. However, TRIPs is incompatible with
this autonomous competence of states, because TRIPs gives corporations
the right to privatisation, to take intellectual property rights on the
traditional biological heritage of peoples in all parts of the world, and to
monopolise this stock of knowledge. Also here the protection of cultural
diversity is at stake. (Wiedemann 2002: 35-7).
The decisive question is thus, should the trade-only-principle rule
the world? Or, should commerce be balanced with many other interests?
WTO is a product of a period when the neoliberal trade agenda was at its
height. Meanwhile, we know the catastrophe it caused. Actually, the Doha
Round is according to WTO’s own rulings an illegal activity. At the end of
the Uruguay Round in 1993 there was an agreement that a new round of
trade liberalising negotiations would not start before an evaluation had
taken place on the consequences of what the results of the Uruguay
Round in practice would bring about. This evaluation never took place,
and that is what bureaucrats at the WTO office in Geneva prefer to forget.
In the case of an evaluation one thing would have become very clear: a
trade-only treaty, like that of WTO, is not an adequate tool for dealing
with questions of ecological and cultural diversity. A new round could
only have started after the revision of the mistakes that had been made by
thinking that a commercially led system can rule the world without giving
due attention to the many completely different questions and concerns,
like diversity.
Therefore it was not unexpected that serious contradictions
between different groups of members exploded the WTO Ministerial
Meeting in Cancún in September 2003 and paralysed the organization, in
this case on the dumping of agricultural products by American and
European enterprises on the markets of Third World countries. The
general question at stake within WTO is whether other values than trade
concerns from mostly Western corporations may also count. Therefore,
coming back to culture within Unesco, it is of utmost importance to
prepare a strong safeguard for the rich diversity of artistic communication:
a Convention on Cultural Diversity, that respects, protects and promotes
the development of cultural diversity. To make such a new international
legally binding instrument is even more than a political statement. It
attacks the basic principles of WTO. This is not by definition a lost case in
a period in which WTO is losing ground. A broad coalition of cultural
movements with the ecological movements that are in a comparable
struggle with WTO is an interesting perspective.
The third reason why the Convention on Cultural Diversity must be
pushed forward is so that in the case of disputes it works between the
countries that have signed and ratified the Convention. Therefore it
follows that this must be the greatest number possible, hopefully in this
way isolating the US and forcing it to adhere to multilateralism.
A fourth reason is that a strong Convention on Cultural Diversity
would make Unesco the important organization it should be. Previously we
have already concluded that it is a strange world in which there is only
one ministry, namely the economic ministry called WTO. Unesco should
be a worldwide ministry of cultural, scientific and educational affairs that
has as much weight as the ministry of economic affairs, thus making a
completely reformed WTO.
At last, the fifth reason is that within WTO, law is not to be read in
isolation from the rest of international law. Ivan Bernier and Hélène Ruiz
Fabri remind that ‘the fact remains that the bodies in charge of settling
disputes within the WTO do not hesitate to refer to external principles and
rules’. Therefore, they conclude that the situation seems fairly open. ‘A
“cultural” instrument that reflects some degree of consensus could be
designed to influence the interpretive approach of WTO dispute
settlement bodies, especially since it would then be possible to show that
the position of the State in question is not neccesarily “isolated”.’ (Bernier
2002: 39, 40)
The general feeling is that there is no time to be lost. First, the work within
Unesco should be completed in two years. Second, WTO has put 2005 –
this will be later - on the calendar as the deadline for finishing its present
round of negotiations (the Doha Round), which should result in furthering
the liberalisation of world markets. Before this crucial moment culture
should have been transferred from WTO to the new Convention on
Cultural Diversity. In any case, there should be the perspective that many
countries may wish to adhere to such a project. Even more important as
said before, is that countries should not make commitments concerning
culture during WTO’s Doha Round. The failure of Cancún, or some may
say, its success, may postpone the Doha deadline. This does not mean
that the process of market liberalisation in the cultural field stops
meanwhile. Countries with strong cultural industries, specifically the US,
will try to make bilateral agreements with separate countries that would

38 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
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open their cultural markets; the strategy will also be directed on regional
trade agreements.
A working group of the INCP - consisting of the ministers of culture
- states (September 2002) that the immediate objective of this new legally
binding international instrument ‘is to ensure that States have the means
to determine, from a cultural standpoint, and on the basis of their own
conditions and circumstances, the policies that are needed to ensure the
preservation and promotion of cultural diversity and to provide a set of
principles and rules for the realization of this goal.’ The same ambition, in
slightly different wording, can be found in several texts on the idea of
such a Convention and in the other drafts.
The origin of this unanimity is that a balance deficit has been noted
between culture and trade within existing free trade agreements. A new
international instrument would acknowledge the legitimate role of
domestic cultural policies in ensuring cultural diversity, on the national,
local, regional and intergovernmental level. Crucial in this process are the
national states. Are not national states the only entities qualified to adhere
to international treaties? They may take actions, or adopt, maintain and
enforce measures to preserve or enhance cultural diversity. These may
include regulations and support systems most often used by the state to
achieve its cultural aims, while also emphasizing the right of each state to
choose new kinds of measures which it feels are most appropriate, given
the situations and conditions.
However, we should keep in mind that for many different reasons
many states are not benign and do not desire the development of cultural
diversity. A Convention on Cultural Diversity might help cultural activists
and NGO’s to stimulate the debate about what the role of the state should
and can be concerning the flourishing of diversity. It should be made clear
as well that cultural diversity does not have to lead to the falling apart of
specific national states where strong minorities claim greater autonomy. A
lesson to be learned is how different cultures can live together
productively while avoiding civil war and at the same time finding the right
balance between unity and regional or local autonomy in certain degrees.
It is interesting to note that in all drafts and texts on the idea of a
Convention there are two concepts: the preservation and the promotion
of cultural diversity. A balance is needed between maintaining and
enhancing cultural expression. It is not only conservation of cultural
heritage and existing cultural practices that should be cherished, but also
new developments should be encouraged.
One of the basic philosophies should be that countries do not
oppose the cultural measures adopted by others. Every country adhering
to the Convention recognises and respects the sovereign right of all other
member states of the Convention to take its own measures. For example
one country may not claim that another country hinders its cultural
commerce. At the same time, the philosophy behind the proposed
Convention is that a multitude of cultural exchanges between countries
will take place. One of the goals of preserving cultural diversity is closely
linked to other social objectives, such as democratic expression, social
cohesion and economic development, without, however, turning the
international legal instrument into a text on democratic governance or
economic development per se.
One of the paradoxes of globalisation is that it promotes cultural
diversity by the increasing exchange and communication possibilities,
while at the same time cultural diversity becomes threatened, if one does
not develop adequate mechanisms for its preservation. One of the
difficulties originates from the fact that there is no worldwide shared
vision on how to regulate globalisation, let alone how to prioritise the
protection and promotion of cultural diversity. Hélène Ruiz Fabri (2003)
analyses that a non-binding instrument (like a Declaration) does not have
the “weight” to mitigate, and certainly not to change WTO’s rules that
presently obliges national states to make high level market openings.
‘Only such rules can counterbalance WTO that have an equivalent power
in the international order.’
For the right of states protecting and promoting cultural diversity a
new Convention should guarantee that they, or their local or regional
authorities, will not be sanctioned for their cultural policies. To avoid the
threat of trade retaliations, there is a clearly identified need for an
international binding legal instrument that goes beyond a simple
declaration. A Convention on Cultural Diversity will provide the member
states with the necessary powers to definitively exclude culture from
commercial negotiations, whether within the WTO or any other framework.
It is beyond doubt that such a Convention will only be effective if a
sufficient number of states will adhere to it, and amongst them there
should be many countries that have substantial economic power. A power
block is needed, as quickly as possible that will refuse to submit culture
completely to economic regimes. At the same time this group of countries
must be strong enough to withstand possible sanctions from countries
that stay out of the Convention on Cultural Diversity. It is not difficult to

40 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
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imagine that, for instance, the United States would not be amused by an
effective movement of countries separating culture from the commercial
domination. It is therefore predictable that this superpower will do all it can
to break such a united front and to submit individual countries to
draconian trade retaliations on all imaginable products. This can only be
avoided when the power block of countries represented in the Convention
on Cultural Diversity has sufficient economic clout to withstand these
kinds of threats.
Cultural diversity: signifiers in human life
It is clear that the concept of cultural diversity, which is the key issue of
solicitude, does not relate here to the anthropological concept of culture
which covers all aspects of social life. The concern is to protect and
promote the varied development of theatre, dance, opera, musicals, soaps,
music, films, visual arts, design, novels, poems, and all other artistic
expressions, in all their sobriety or abundance, mixed forms and genres,
whether produced and distributed en masse or on a small scale, whilst
preventing one form of cultural enterprise from dominating the market of
cultural expressions and communication. Of course these signifiers in
human life contribute to the development of individual and social
identities, but they also provide, for instance, pleasure or consolation .
But we should be aware that in every society this cultural field of
artistic expressions has another texture, has a different structure,
expresses distinguished sentiments, has other connotations, reflects
dissimilar histories, is characterised by distinct struggles about what could
be imagined and what not, and includes different occasions of presenting
these works of art. Therefore, the International Network for Cultural
Diversity, a cultural NGO that brings together scholars and cultural
activists from all over the world, says in its draft for a Convention on
Culture: ‘Nothing in this Convention shall be construed to limit the
sovereign authority of a Party to define such terms as “culture”, “cultural
diversity”, and “indigenous or national culture” in a manner it considers
appropriate to the characteristics of its particular society.’
This fluid statement may provide lawyers with a feeling of horror.
They may prefer clear definitions, but this is not the way that cultural life
works. It is true that the cultural artistic field between societies may differ
enormously. Therefore, the only thing a Convention on Cultural Diversity
can do is to respect this beautiful reality. This “legal handicap” can be
solved by demanding states being transparent about what to include in
their conceptualisation of the cultural field for which they ask for the
freedom to regulate in a way they, and their local and regional authorities,
think appropriate for the flourishing of cultural diversity. States and
regional organisations should have the freedom to encourage diversity of
cultural undertakings. The general public and audiences should have a
broad choice of works of art and cultural productions available to them in
their countries.
In any case, the preservation of cultural diversity implies at the
outset the preservation of all existing cultures because each culture that
disappears, each language that ceases to be spoken is a loss for cultural
diversity. On the other hand, the Convention on Cultural Diversity should
by no means be a static, protectionist instrument. On the contrary, it must
prove to be instrumental in the development of cultures, cultural exchange
and cultural diversity. It should give breadth to the dynamism and
openness that is a characteristic for many artistic expressions and for the
work of most artists.
However, we must be aware that the concept of cultural diversity is
not undefiled. In South Africa during the apartheid regime, for instance,
cultural diversity was a premise for segregation: divide people along tribal,
ethnic and cultural lines in order to maintain white domination. For many
people it might mean a major shift in their thinking to now use the
historically oppressive term “cultural diversity” in a positive way.
Guiding principles
The Convention on Cultural Diversity will have some general guiding
principles.
* We have already seen that there should be transparency about
what, according to a specific country, belongs to its cultural field for
which it likes to regulate the market relations.
* Its regulatory measures should not be out of proportion. For
instance, it should never be the intention for cultural creations coming
from other countries to have no chance of being shown or sold in a
specific country because it has regulated its cultural market with an
endless list of restrictions. Measures should also be flexible and

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appropriate for new developments in the cultural fields. At the same time,
cultural enterprises should have the right of not being confronted with
completely new or reverse regulations, from one day to the next. It will be a
challenge to combine flexibility and predictability. As already mentioned,
the agreement would be binding in this regard, with each member state
making a commitment to recognize the right of the other member states to
determine, on the basis of their particular situation, what type of measures
they will implement.
* The draft text of a Convention on Cultural Diversity of the INCD
states in its article 13 that ‘each Contracting Party shall, in accordance
with its particular conditions and capabilities, integrate as far as possible
and as appropriate, the objectives of the Convention with relevant
investment, and competition measures, and may for such purposes
prohibit or limit foreign investment in the cultural sector; or where
investment is made in cultural undertakings, maintain or enforce any of the
following requirements: a. to achieve a given level or percentage of
domestic content; b. to purchase, use or accord a preference to goods
produced or services provided in its territory, or to purchase goods or
services from persons in its territory . . .’ In chapter 4, I will elaborate on
this article and propose in more detail what kinds of regulations and
measures might be appropriate. This may differ of course for separate
countries and different parts of the world, according to their history,
economic situation, the actual leverage of concrete states to regulate the
(cultural) market, the consciousness that exists about the importance of
having a diverse cultural life, and the character of the threats for cultural
diversity by enterprises dominating the cultural domain in general or
specific forms of the arts in particular.
* A discussion exists about the question whether the Convention text
should oblige countries to support the arts or to regulate their cultural
market. On one side, it may function as an encouragement for countries to
be more active in this field. On the other side, Peter Grant, a Canadian legal
expert on questions of cultural regulations, may be right when he states,
that most countries would not want to sign a Convention in which there is
a section that says: each party shall develop cultural policies, spend
money on the arts, and regulate its cultural market. Most countries will
say: I am not going to put this in a treaty. This is a domestic matter.
In a report of Sagit, the association of Canadian cultural enterprises
(February 1999: 31), it has been stated that ‘a new cultural instrument
would seek to develop an international consensus on the responsibility to
encourage indigenous cultural expressions and on the need for regulatory
and other measures to promote cultural and linguistic diversity.’ However,
‘the instrument would not compel any country to take measures to
promote culture, but it would give countries the right to determine the
measures they will use (within the limits of the agreement) to safeguard
their cultural diversity.’ (in Morris 2001: 129).
Maybe, the dispute on whether to comply or not is a fictive debate.
Countries that ratify and sign a Convention on Cultural Diversity
obviously feel involved in the challenge that the cultural field in their
societies is not dominated by market forces that push aside a diversity of
cultural expressions. This makes it likely that they will make an effort to
reach this ideal. It is up to them to decide what the effort will be. In that
case, it is less necessary to formulate this as an explicit obligation in the
text of the Convention. However, it would be wise to try to make sure that
countries do not give lip service only to cultural diversity. It might help
when they oblige themselves positively in a Convention text to take those
measures – for instance subsidies, ownership or content regulations – that
really sustain the development of cultural diversity.
* Cultural expressions do not exist without artists and their
intermediaries. In most drafts of, and texts on, the proposed Convention
on Cultural Diversity the hypotheses has become accepted, without more
ado, that copyrights will give them the income they deserve. Respect for
intellectual property rights therefore has been formulated as one of the
basic principles of this Convention. Sometimes even the field of cultural
productions becomes equalized with ground that has already been
covered by the present copyright system. One may wonder whether a
more adept analysis isn’t lacking. The production and distribution of the
arts has become more and more controlled by only a few conglomerates
(the reason why a Convention on Cultural Diversity is highly needed), and
this same phenomenon is happening with copyrights.
The time is not far away when most of the world’s cultural heritage
and most of the contemporary creations and registrations of performances
will be in the hands of a regrettably limited number of copyright industries.
Artists who enjoy a substantial income from copyrights are rare. The
Western copyright system freezes cultures, which is far worse in countries

44 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 45
who were not aware until now of the systems that privatise creativity and
knowledge (as is happening with patents concerning, for instance, seeds
of rice). Intellectual property rights hinder the creative adaptation that has
always characterised and guaranteed the continuation of cultures. In Arts
Under Pressure: Promoting Cultural Diversity in the Age of
Globalization I present a more detailed analysis on the problematic and
unsustainable sides of our present Western copyright system and
propose some alternatives that are better for artists, the public domain and
non-Western countries. (Smiers 2003). It is sufficient to note here that
there is a contradiction. How can a Convention on Cultural Diversity, that
is meant to keep down the too dominant cultural positions, glorify a
copyright system that keeps open the way for the too dominant
controlling situations on the cultural markets? We will return to this
question in chapter 4.
* It would be a misunderstanding to think that the Convention on
Cultural Diversity is only meant to protect and promote the cultural life
within national states. However, the basic principles include an urgent
need for a more balanced exchange between cultures. The area of priority
is openness to foreign cultural productions. Allowances should be made
for the products and creations of others to come into their own market
place. This demands care; otherwise this openness is only useful for, for
instance, Hollywood productions, excluding creators and performers from
their own country and from other parts of the world. The big challenge (to
be discussed in chapter 4) is thus, how do we regulate for a realization of a
balanced cultural exchange between a diversity of countries and parts of
the world in favour of more reciprocity and more two-way cultural
movements?
* Each state is free to take any measures needed to ensure dynamic,
diversified cultural expression on its own territory and preserve cultural
diversity internationally. Obviously, exercising this right must not infringe
basic human rights. Cultural diversity cannot be expressed without the
conditions for free creative expression, and freedom of information existing
in all forms of cultural exchange. A dispute is whether this basic principle
should be mentioned explicitly in the Convention. The advocates of this
idea are afraid that some countries may claim that the Convention may
give them the full right to regulate the fields of cultural production and
distribution according to their wish, and accordingly will oppress basic
freedoms and human rights. Including such principles in the text of the
Convention might oblige countries to respect the freedom of expression
and communication.
There are others who maintain that this cannot be the purpose of
such a Convention. All member states of the United Nations have
accepted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Is it necessary to
repeat the intention of such an important document with this new
convention? When countries do not conform to the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, what does one think that they will do when it is also
included in a Convention on Cultural Diversity? In any case, such an
aspect of the proposed Convention would not be enforceable. It is not
good overburdening a new convention (that is already an extremely
complicated project in itself) with too many topics. It might undermine the
preparedness of countries about to join the bandwagon and it might
degrade the convention in that far too many perspectives will not be
observed. Nevertheless, the core of this Convention is to promote cultural
diversity in the fields of artistic expression. Where censorship and lack of
freedom of expression exist, there is no question of diversity of artistic
expression. Therefore, it would be incredible to make a Convention on
Cultural Diversity in which governments would not commit themselves
positively to the basic human right of the freedom of expression.
On the other hand one must be realistic. A Convention on Cultural
Diversity, if it is to be accepted, will not bring about heaven on earth. It
will not and cannot solve all imaginable problems linked to cultural
diversity. There is nothing in such a treaty that will effectively stop
autonomous governments from banning television channels; there is
nothing to stop governments from imposing censorship on their own
artists and creators, and limiting freedom of expression; and the
Convention will not automatically lead governments that at the moment
refrain from having cultural policies, to introduce them. However, the
existence of such a Convention on Cultural Diversity may be a tool that
can help to raise awareness about the importance of cultural diversity for
the development of strong cultural identities.
* It may be difficult to convince a substantial number of countries
that from a cultural perspective they are better of with, rather than without,
a Convention on Cultural Diversity. Besides the predictable opposition of
the US and some of its most loyal partners like the Netherlands, it is not
certain that many developing countries will be interested in participating

46 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 47
immediately. There may be doubts or even disinterest. Understandably,
questions like economic growth, job creation and agriculture, and worries
about providing basic services such as health, education, housing,
running water and electricity have a higher priority than caring about
culture. Many countries simply do not have the means to establish
cultural policies. Often the state as a law enforcing mechanism is too weak
and does not have the capacity to regulate cultural markets. Some
countries may consider the question of cultural diversity an issue that
concerns the struggle between cultural industries from different parts of
the Western world. There could also be fear in countries with multi-ethnic
structures, that putting cultural diversity on the agenda could lead to
identity-related demands, possibly posing a threat to national unity and
the authority of the state.
The problem for poor countries is that they are most susceptible to
the kind of bilateral pressure that comes from the US. How can a poor
country, for instance, withhold its consensus from the WTO, when the
Americans say: do you want this next shipment of food? Participating in
the withdrawal of culture out of WTO is a risky affair in such a position.
This can only be done when a strong conviction exists that its cultures
and languages will become threatened in the present global economic
order, when the cultural dependency from the West has been felt strongly,
and when it becomes clear that successful cultural enterprises from the
own country are bought time and time again by Western cultural
conglomerates.
Developing countries do not start from a zero position. To adhere
to the Convention they should have the feeling that there is something in
it for them and that they can afford to do this because they are in it with a
large enough group of countries. In the introduction I have already
mentioned that rich countries should establish a Cultural Development
Fund. Otherwise, how could the poor countries compete with the one
million dollar an episode television drama? They have to have the chance
of building the capacity to develop alternatives (hopefully together with
neighbouring countries) which have a reasonable chance to attract
audiences in their own part of the world, not forgetting, however, what
they can do themselves as well in sustaining the development of cultural
diversity.
* The immediate aim of the new agreement is reinforcing solidarity
and co-operation at the international level in order to allow all countries,
and particularly the developing and least-advanced countries, to create
and maintain cultural enterprises which will project their own vision at
national and international levels. Therefore, the ministerial International
Network on Cultural Policy writes in its draft text of the Convention:
‘Members shall facilitate the exchange of information, from all publicly
available sources, relevant to the promotion and presentation of cultural
diversity, taking into account the special needs of developing and least
developed countries.’ This last part of the phrase is a precondition for
making the Convention on Cultural Diversity a success.
* Making a Convention on Cultural Diversity is a unique opportunity
for national states to promote their cultural exchanges and to support each
other in their relations with, for instance, WTO and the countries that
consider culture as normal a trade product as any other and that are
opposed to the idea of such a cultural convention and the withdrawal of
culture out of WTO. One of the most difficult issues is how countries like
New Zealand, which have made commitments concerning culture and wish
to be member of the new Convention on Cultural Diversity, can get rid of
those commitments without having the expectations of terrible trade
retaliations from countries opposed to such a transfer.
* When a Convention on Cultural Diversity exists, it is quite
reasonable to expect that member states of this international instrument
may get disputes about ….. , about what? Some examples may help. Garry
Neil mentions, for instance, a dispute that would go along these lines:
When is a domestic quota an encouragement of local production and a
space for local cultural product, and when does it become a prohibition
against the importation of foreign works? ‘I could see at some point a
dispute panel of the Convention having to adjudicate this issue. Let’s say,
the treaty is now in effect and, for example, the Canadian broadcast
regulatory agency would say: effective 1 January of the new year minimum
Canadian content for radio stations operating in Canada will be 100%. One
can make a strong argument that that’s no longer protecting a shelf space
for domestic cultural product, but that this is a prohibition. On the other
hand, I think that everybody would accept that a Canadian content
regulation of 35% for radio is perfectly acceptable. So, where is the
watershed between prohibition and a completely reasonable approach?’

48 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
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Another example of a probable dispute settlement question comes
from Peter Grant. ‘Let’s imagine a country establishing a quota on printing
plants for CD’s, because it wants to protect its local CD manufacturing
industry. Does this activity really belong to its cultural domain that
deserves protection, or should this protection be limited to the process of
making the master CD, because this is in essence its cultural act more so
than printing? This is a relevant question that an opposing country may
submit to dispute settlement resolution.’
One of the advantages of having a Convention on Cultural
Diversity is that such a dispute resolution panel does not have to have
only trade people as members as is the case with WTO. It goes without
saying that it is necessary that cultural experts belong to the panel. It
should also not be imbued with the secretiveness that characterises
WTO’s dispute panels. Unsurprisingly, the International Network for
Cultural Diversity claimed at its Cape Town meeting, 14 October 2002, that
‘the dispute settlement process must be transparent, it must guarantee
input from third parties and non-governmental organizations, and must
acknowledge that the rights of individuals are equivalent to corporate
rights.’ All these demands differ from the WTO practice.
* The key question is: what would be the legal authority of the future
Convention on Cultural Diversity, considering WTO’s present authority in
commercial disputes? Therefore, as mentioned before, a substantial
number of states, some of them also having economic clout, should ratify
and sign the Convention. There are a couple of explicit advocates to name
for this project on the political level: Sheila Copps, until December 2003,
the Canadian minister of Culture and Heritage, and the French president,
Jacques Chirac with the support of the Francophone countries. It will be
seen as decisive whether the European Union will change its tack. Until
now, it is firm in making no commitments concerning culture during the
Doha Round negotiations, as was decided by the Council of the EU, 25
October 1999: ‘During the forthcoming WTO negotiations the Union will
ensure, as in the Uruguay Round, that the Community and its member
states maintain the possibility to reserve and develop their capacity to
define and implement their cultural and audiovisual policies of preserving
cultural diversity.’
In the new European Constitution (still waiting for acceptance after
the disagreement between EU member states in December 2003), France
and Germany succeeded in keeping the unanimity on decision making
concerning negotiations and agreements in the field of cultural and
audiovisual services, if they harmed the cultural and linguistic diversity of
the Union. This means that, for instance France or Germany may veto the
tendency of some other member states to make commitments concerning
the liberalization of the cultural market. The next step would be full-hearted
support for the development of a Convention on Cultural Diversity within
Unesco.
The Council of Europe (the countries of the EU and other European
states, including Russia) adopted, on 7 December 2000, a Declaration on
Cultural Diversity that asks ‘to elaborate a catalogue of measures, which
may be useful to member states in their quest to sustain and enable
cultural diversity.’ It is a pity that the Council of Europe forgot to produce
this catalogue. Thus, this is the work to be realized in the next chapter.
If we overlook this battlefield, the running start to a Convention on
Cultural Diversity will seem to be very prosperous but this is not certain.
The draft text for a Convention from the INCP (the network of ministers of
culture) is likely to provide the model for the Unesco’s work on its own
draft. In the INCP draft, Article 4 reads as follows: ‘Nothing in this
Convention shall derogate from existing rights and obligations that Parties
may have to each other under any other international Treaty.’ The cultural
NGO, the International Network for Cultural Diversity comments on this
clause, that essentially, ‘this clause is contrary to one of the principal
objectives of the Convention, which is to ensure that, wherever possible,
disputes about trade in cultural goods and services are adjudicated under
its terms rather than the trade agreements.’ 8 The basic idea was to
withdraw culture from the trade only context of the WTO. The struggle will
be to make this come true.
8 INCD conference, Opatija, Croatia, 13, 14, 15 October 2003.

50 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 51
chapter 4
REGULATIONS IN FAVOUR OF ARTISTIC DIVERSITY
Robust regulatory systems
In the fields of film, music, theatre, dance, visual arts, design, and
publishing (whether presented in the real world or by audiovisual or digital
means) there are dominant market positions that harm broad access to
cultural communication. From a human rights perspective this is a loss.
Some of these market-dominating cultural conglomerates are foreign to a
country; others are domestic, as in the USA or Brazil. Left to the market,
mergers and take-overs will continue. However, democracy demands the
reverse. In all fields of the arts and media, there should be producers,
distributors and promoters, who have strong local affinities, and yet
originate from many different parts of the world. National states should
regulate the cultural market in favour of diversity in order to reach this
ideal. A Convention on Cultural Diversity, that would take culture out of
the neoliberal WTO context, would hopefully give states the full right to
implement the kinds of regulations they judge necessary for the protection
and promotion of cultural diversity.
Already now, even before such a Convention on Cultural Diversity
would exist, systematic thinking should take place about the kinds of
regulations that would be appropriate, for specific categories of the arts, in
specific parts of the world. There are several categories of regulations to
consider: ownership regulations (including competition law), content
regulations, and regulations of the public accountability of cultural
enterprises, subsidy systems, tax policies and different kinds of
preferential treatments.
Gillian Doyle is right when she writes that media ownership is ‘a
difficult political minefield’, and therefore ‘the design of a regulatory
scheme to deal with concentrations ought to be robust, equitable and
squarely aimed at legitimate public policy objectives.’ (2002: 177) Thus our
mission is clear, but also extremely complicated. Regulations should be
flexible enough to respond adequately to the changing cultural landscape,
intelligently composed so that they cannot be bypassed easily or miss the
target, practically allowing monitoring, impossible to skirt around
juridically, and understandable so that they can be accepted easily.

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We should be aware that in most cases one form of regulations
would not be sufficient in order to reach the desired purpose of cultural
diversity. For instance, from diversity of ownership it does not
automatically follow that diversity of content will arise. (Doyle 2002: 13).
This means that regulating authorities should find and prescribe the right
mixture of ownership and content regulations. Let’s imagine a town
somewhere in the world. In this town there are three cinemas. If all cinemas
are in the hands of one company, then decision making about what is on
show tonight and tomorrow night is too centralised. To continue the
example, we install an ownership regulation that says that every cinema
should have a separate owner. However, it may happen that all three new
owners buy their films from one source, for instance from mainstream
Hollywood. Once again there is a problem for cultural diversity. Thus, the
ownership regulation should be complemented with a content regulation.
Analysis is needed re the kinds of market positions that hamper
broad access to the channels of artistic production and communication.
Regulators should design flexible kinds of regulations that will give
answers to already existing problems. At the same time, policies must be
predictable for enterprises, as well as for cultural enterprises. However,
this should not give them the right to be able to easily block the changes
of regulations (in court) which have been introduced in order to promote
broad access in the cultural field and to prevent monopolistic situations.
In this chapter I will present and discuss several examples in the fields of
audiovisual media, music, the digital world, film, books, visual arts, and
design; however, the summing up is of course not conclusive. The
categorisation and the examples may help to stimulate the imagination: in
which situations what kinds of regulations may work, and where there is
not, or not yet, a cure.
The purpose is that we share for a moment a solid and consistent
catalogue of solutions that responds to the needs of categories of
different countries, and that keeps in mind the distinct character of the
distinguishable fields of the arts and their transmitting tools and outlets.
This framework needs to be flexible enough to react to changes in
technologies, production, distribution, and promotion methods and
ownership relations while at the same time being fair to enterprises
operating in the cultural fields, yet has the capacity to mobilise many
people and cultural organisations to get such regulating systems accepted
and introduced.
It is not difficult to understand that this is an enormous task. First
of all, intellectually: How can we imagine that regulations exist at all, when
coming from a couple of decades where measures in favour of cultural
diversity seemed to be out of fashion? And then, we have to try to
formulate what the appropriate kinds of regulations are. How to introduce
them? How to make them acceptable? How to implement them? And, how
to enforce them? I come from the Netherlands. So, I know what windmills
are. I will not fight against them. But, maybe the wind of a growing respect
and a growing need for cultural diversity may help us to have the courage
to imagine, formulate and enforce what is nearly unimaginable. The
purpose of the following sections is to bring order to the chaos by
suggesting different categories of regulations and to illustrate them with
several examples in order to raise awareness about options, contradictions
and issues that are, for the time being maybe, not easily solvable. It is all
about strategies.
Ownership regulations
The purpose of ownership regulations is to prevent one owner having a
too dominant control on the production, distribution, promotion and/or
the conditions for reception of the different forms the arts. The main
objectives of regulating ownership are to maintain a balanced diversity of
owners of cultural enterprises; to limit the market-driven paradigm; to
protect communities that would not normally have a voice in the market
place; and to ensure there is accountability of the owners to the public
sphere. Ownership matters because it is decisive for who can produce,
what can be produced, and which artistic expressions will be distributed in
what manner and surrounded by which ambiance. Internationally,
oligopolistic ownership relations cause huge inequities between countries.
As said before, in a human rights perspective there should be an
enormous variety of enterprises that choose what will be produced,
distributed, promoted and received in the different fields of the arts. The
number of decision makers determines whether broad access exists in the
cultural field, or not.
The consequence of ownership regulations is obviously that
companies are obliged to remain relatively small. It is true that this may
make them vulnerable to take-over, and at the same time it may happen
that by limitations on ownership overseas expansion becomes obstructed.

54 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 55
(Doyle 2002: 159). How to approach this issue? In theory, if all companies
are relatively small there is no problem because no one company has a
significantly bigger size or greater power than other companies. This is
exactly the objective we are trying to reach in the exercise of this part of
the book: the oversized cultural conglomerates should no longer dominate
the cultural field.
Let us try to imagine what the next step could or should be.
Shouldn’t cultural companies be made smaller before they are allowed to
operate in a specific national market? I agree, that this is a proposal that
we, children of the neoliberal era, cannot fully comprehend. But, isn’t the
logical consequence of this that the cultural playing field must not become
dominated by any one cultural enterprise in any way? The side effect is
that we will no longer have the fierce competition that presently exists
between the few remaining cultural giants. The argument that they should
have the economies of scale, and therefore the ability to merge, goes to
ruin. The diversity of artistic expression needs a beneficial inefficiency.
Even the very idea of owning cultural expression is a strange
concept in most cultures. This concerns the control of the means of
production, distribution, promotion and reception of works of art,
entertainment and design; this subject will be discussed in this part of the
book. But, it also matters in the field of intellectual property rights. Sure,
artists must make a living from their work. But isn’t it exaggerated to grant
them (and most of their intermediaries: the cultural industries) an exclusive
monopolistic right (for more than a century) on their cultural expressions
which they derive for the most part from many different sources in the
public domain?
Ownership regulations concerning the different fields of the arts (in the
material, audiovisual or digital worlds) may have several faces, as
discussed below: (a) no private ownership entitlement at all; followed by
regulations concerning (b) horizontal, (c) vertical, (d) cross ownership, and
(e) foreign ownership regulations; (f) regulations concerning informal
market dominations; (g) competition law; (h) taxation as a tool for
diminishing the control possibilities for cultural conglomerates; and (i) the
reduction of excessive copyright protection.
In every situation the relevant question is on what criteria
ownership restrictions should be imposed. There are several possibilities:
audience time, viewer share; turnover, market share; net advertisement
revenues; production, distribution, and/or performance capacity; access
points. Followed immediately by the question, in what quantities?
(a) In a world in which it has very nearly become self-evident that
everything can, and must be owned privately, it may sound strange to
claim that important segments of our communication tools should be not
be owned by anybody and should stay in the public domain. Lawrence
Lessig stipulates, however, that the state should regulate that the
spectrum stays embraced in the field of the public domain. His argument is
that ‘free resources have been crucial to innovation and creativity; that
without them, creativity is crippled. Thus, and especially in the digital age,
the central question becomes, not whether government or the market
should control a resource, but whether a resource should be controlled at
all. Just because control is possible, it doesn’t follow that it is justified.’
(2002: 14). There is a need to get a broad public understanding re this
problem and there is not much time to lose. Only then can the privatisation
of the spectrum be prevented.
(b, c and d) It is becoming more and more clear, that nearly all forms of
horizontal and vertical integration no longer exist. Mostly, what we see,
nowadays, are forms of cross ownership in the cultural field: media
conglomerates that are active in all the fields of the arts and entertainment,
in all stages from production to distribution, promotion, and reception, and
in all different media. In several cases we should realise that the reality is
that cultural production and distribution has become involved in
situations of cross industry ownership. For instance, General Electrics,
which is a huge military industry, has extensive interests in cultural
industries and news agencies. Arms producer Lagardère in France owns a
substantial part of the publishing houses and distribution channels for
newspapers and books in this country after it took over the publishing
division of Vivendi Universal.. Italian Prime Minister Berlusconi owns
many different media; controls public radio and television, is also owner of
the main publicity agency in Italy and one the most important supermarket
chains. Such forms of cross industry ownership are a nightmare re
inherent conflicts, in which cultural freedom becomes extremely
vulnerable.
What to do? In 1996 the European Commission attempted to
propose a draft Directive on media ownership which would have included
a 30 per cent upper limit on mono-media ownership for radio and television

56 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
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broadcasters in their own transmission areas. ‘In addition, the draft
Directive suggested an upper limit for total media ownership – ownership
of television, radio and /or newspapers – of 10 per cent of the market in
which a supplier is operating.’ (Doyle 2002: 162-4). However, a year later
even this modest attempt at a draft was withdrawn without bringing
masses of people onto the street.
In 2003, the US Federal Communication Commission proposed to
delete the last remaining cross-ownership regulations, which would then
give cultural giants in nearly all the fields of culture and communication,
absolute power. This measure caused uproar in the US. Temporarily, the
abolishment of this regulation has been abandoned. One wonders for how
long. It is a good sign though that people can be mobilised with regard to
a subject that involves cultural and informational issues. Left unimpeded
this is a defensive action.
What would be more offensive? Given that a handful of cultural
giants control most of the production and distribution in nearly all fields of
the arts, in almost all corners of the world, is it conceivable that they
would be segmented again? Segmented and split up into many smaller
enterprises, according to the different forms of the arts, into
distinguishable stages from production to reception, and not allowed to
operate in all countries at the same time? In any case, for one country
alone it is almost impossible to put strict conditions on the size and reach
of cultural conglomerates that operate globally. All these giants are
heavily indebted as well. This is their weakness, but at the same time their
strength. Breaking them into pieces – this should be done from a
democratic perspective – would mean that they would loose their “virtual”
value, and their moneylenders, like the major banks in the world, would go
bankrupt.
What can be done? First of all, awareness should be raised with
many people and their organizations that the unlimited power of the
cultural conglomerates is an immense problem. In the context of the wider
global movement against privatisations and deregulation, such an
immense cultural democracy challenge should be tackled. Second, the
power of cultural conglomerates should be attacked from different and
separate angles. One erodes their dominance by effectively using the
internet and digital means in favour of the creation and spread of artistic
diversity, as said previously.
But, there is also a third possibility. Countries can say: cultural
enterprises that are too conglomerated may not be based here. It would be
more effective if a group of countries were to decree this together. Of
course, it should be defined what size is still acceptable in the perspective
of democracy concerning cultural production, distribution and promotion,
and regarding the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Obviously there
is a huge problem with countries where an oligopolistic cultural enterprise
dominates the home market, like Berlusconi’s Mediaset does in Italy and
Globo in Brazil. Let’s be honest, we cannot expect that this limit on size will
be introduced next year. At the same time, we can agree that it should be
done and that it is not acceptable for a few cultural conglomerates to
dominate cultural markets everywhere in the world. The strategy should
thus be to raise the awareness that the oligopolistic ownership of the
media and other outlets cannot be tolerated in a democracy. It should also
be clear that breaking the power of cultural giants should be done from
different angles, with different kinds of regulations while finding which
ones are the most appropriate.
Let’s try doing an exercise in the field of music distribution.
Important outlets for music are the record shops. The question obviously
is whether the ownership of most of them is in the hands of one chain, or a
couple of chains, so that decision making is too concentrated. But maybe
this is a too unspecified approach because there are varied music
segments in the market. Can we establish where concentration hampers
market access for other record shops, and where the cultural damage is not
really that big? A complication is, however, that it is becoming less clear
what a record shop is, as most supermarkets carry CD’s and cassettes
nowadays. Specialised shops are becoming rare. Probably one may be
happy, at a given moment, for a chain to keep open a number of
specialised record shops. Or not? Only the examples of many different
countries can help to solve this question. Immediately it becomes clear
that we lack in many fields of artistic expression, and for many countries,
precise and up to date information about the level of concentration, in this
case that of record shops.
Considering the fluidity of the market for music, my guess is that it
is not that easy to regulate the ownership of record shops. Probably the
starting point for caring for diversity concerning the distribution of music
lies in the audiovisual media. My argument is that there will automatically
be a diversity of stock in record shops if a broad diversity of music has
been broadcast on radio and television. People buy what they hear. If
there is no dominant and unavoidable tune or song on the radio or on
television, but a huge diversity of tunes and songs, then the audience will

58 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
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buy diversely. If this is true, then the question of ownership concentration
of record shops becomes relatively less important.
This would replace the need for regulation to another category of
regulations, namely the field of content regulations (see below). Then,
public and private channels could be obliged to broadcast, for instance,
thousands of different songs a year, even at prime time, that come from
many different and independent sources, and many different countries.
It is interesting that the distribution of music gets another
perspective partly by the rapid development of the peer-to-peer systems
of music exchange. If the continuing trend is that the music industry,
followed by the film industry, is selling less, then this might become an
attack on their dominant positions. But what positions are at stake? In the
field of distribution, certainly, and also their copyrights loose market
value. But what about the production of music and films? Until now, it
seems that most people exchange music and films that have been
produced by the cultural giants and made popular by their marketing
machines.
A real attack on the dominant position of the music and film
industry would be for more and more artists to produce and distribute
themselves using the rapidly developing tools of digitalisation and the
internet and not to contract themselves to the cultural industries.
However, this option is more available for artists in the richer countries
and selected groups in poorer parts of the world. Besides, audiences could
do two things. First, they develop curiosity to this diversity, and change
and adapt the works creatively, no longer being passive exchangers of
what is on the hit lists. And second, of course they should, and will, pay
the small amount of money directly to the artists for the use of their works.
(e) Is there something wrong with foreigners owning important cultural
production and distribution facilities in a specific country? Yes, indeed. It
increases the chance for artistic expression to no longer be related to the
specific circumstances of people living in that country. The Universal
Declaration of Human Rights demands that people should have the right
to participate in the cultural life of their community. In Canada, for
instance, it is proven that domestic producers offer substantially more
domestic content than foreign producers. In the field of books, perhaps
twenty per cent of sales are generated by Canadian publishers, but they
are responsible for 85 to 90 per cent of the Canadian titles published. It is
the same in the music industry. Canadian producers bring the
overwhelming bulk of Canadian artists who are recorded onto the market.
This does not mean that it is sufficient to have foreign ownership
limits. This, in itself, does not guarantee a rich offer of diverse kinds of
artistic expressions. Foreign ownership restrictions should be combined
with other regulatory measures, particularly various content quotas.
Nevertheless, restrictions on foreign ownership give a better chance to
domestic cultural entrepreneurs. They know the cultural field in their own
country, which is likely to result in more domestic content. The least that
can be said of regulations that restrict foreign ownership is that they forge
conditions so that local artistic life can be developed.
On the other hand, if there are foreign owners they can be required
to present more and more local artists in the countries where they trade.
However, this does not mean that they are part and parcel of the cultural
life of such a society, because those foreign cultural conglomerates decide
which local artists will get a chance, and they decide the ambience of
presentation.
Well meant foreign ownership restrictions may become ineffective
when they have been constructed for a world that no longer exists. For
instance, in France the foreign ownership of multimedia companies is
restricted to no more than twenty per cent. (Doyle 2002: 148-150). In the
case of the merger of Vivendi with Universal, however, it became difficult
to make this law effective. Though who knows who the stockholders are,
and tomorrow the stocks may already be in completely different - foreign -
hands. The debate about the raison d’être of this law was avoided;
nothing could stop this merger, and later was too late.
(f) It is easy to forget that the economic clout a specific cultural
conglomerate or enterprise has, might seduce them to an actual market
behaviour that is undesirable. An example may illustrate this. In Great
Britain the bookshop chain of Waterstone has an estimated market share
of 20 per cent. But how do they use this apparently modest position on
the market? Recently Waterstone changed its conditions on returns and
payments that had a catastrophic effect on small publishers, effectively
making many of them insolvent. The way Waterstone behaves is bad for
cultural diversity because it pushes small publishers out of the cultural
market space. It diminishes their chance of economic survival. A
comparable phenomenon we observe with big publishers who buy
window space and favourable displays in bookshops for the books they

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promote as bestsellers. Smaller publishers cannot compete with such
behaviour of the giants in this race for the attention of clients.
First of all, such informal market relations should be unravelled and
made transparent. Apparently, we accept that these kinds of processes
take place, but one may wonder, is it self evident that big companies may
distort the development of diversity in the market of artistic expression, by
their actual behaviour? Second, would it not be desirable to regulate the
conduct of dominant players in the cultural field? One may discuss
whether such a regulation should be brought under the category of
ownership regulations. I would say yes, because it restricts the autonomy
of the owner of the cultural production, distribution or promotion capacity.
(g) It is amazing that in many states existing competition law has
seldom been used in the cultural field, in any case not effectively. It can be
applied in the case of mergers and when there is abuse of a market
dominating position. One could claim that a market dominating position is
an abuse especially in the perspective of upholding democratic values.
It would be a cultural gain in many situations if existing antimonopoly
laws could be applied in the cultural sectors, but this seldom
happens. 9 Benjamin Barber is amazed that cultural corporations have the
right ‘to swallow one another up, converging, merging, and buying each
other out as fast as financing can be found and stockholders bribed. The
courts step in not to preserve a public good nor to impede a developing
monopoly but only to assure that stockholders’ profitability will be the
only criterion of the deal.’ (1996: 85). In a city like Amsterdam around
eighty per cent of cinema screens are in the hands of one company (more
than eighty per cent of the films on offer coming from Hollywood, but this
is a subject for the next section on content regulations). One cannot
understand why the competition authorities do not come together and
forbid such an accumulation of cultural power.
However, as discussed above, the conditions of access concerning
culture must be even more open than would be necessary for other
entrepreneurial activities. Nevertheless, it would be a good start for normal
competition to be strictly applied in the cultural sectors. This process
would also stimulate the thinking about what kind of diversity of
entrepreneurial activities is necessary in a cultural democratic perspective.
9 Robert W. McChesney and John Nichols, Getting Serious About Media Reform, The
Nation, 7/14 January 2002.
It would be one of the opportunities for stressing the necessity to develop
for instance, a biennial cultural diversity index.
(h) What to think about taxation as a tool for diminishing the control
possibilities of cultural conglomerates? For instance, for the US Robert
McChesney proposes that ‘to the extent that commercial media and
advertising play a role in a democratic media, they should be taxed to
subsidise the non-profit and non-commercial sector. A tax of, say, 1
percent on advertising would generate over $1.5 billion in 1997.’ (1997: 67).
This is a considerable amount of money that could be used for the
promotion of cultural diversity. Our Creative Diversity, Unesco’s and the
United Nations’ Report of the World Commission on Culture and
Development, suggests that at the heart of the debate should be ‘how
best to share the global commons in media terms. One simple idea would
be to use international taxation to generate new revenue that may be
invested in alternative regional and global services and programming. A
tax may be used on the commercial use of the global commons, much like
taxes which have been suggested elsewhere for cross-border capital flows
and fossil fuel consumption.’ (Pérez de Cuéllar 1996: 121,2).
Lawrence K. Grossman has launched a comparable idea in an article
with the headline: ‘These Airwaves Are Public Property.’ 10 It might be
evident from this that the creative thinking on such kinds of examples is
still at its beginning. But if it is true that private enterprises use the public
domain for commercial interests, why not tax them and thereby support
culture and education?
Why are there blockbusters, bestsellers and stars? The main reason
is that they have been launched with enormous market budgets of millions
and millions of dollars that actually falsify competition. Why? Without
such fabulous amounts of money other artists and their enterprises are by
definition loosing the competition with these mega events. Christophe
Germann analyses, in the case of film, that ‘the investments in marketing
are arguably the most decisive incentives for film exhibitors to programme
blockbusters. Consequently, the moviegoers must consume the content
that the majors have imposed up on theatre exhibitors through their
powerful distribution structures and marketing investments. This situation
is even worse when distributors use the so-called “block booking”
methods, i.e., they rent blockbusters to exhibitors on the condition that the
10 Lawrence K. Grossman, These Airwaves Are Public Property, International Herald
Tribune, 24 August 1995.

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latter also show other films of lower commercial value from the same
distributor. The blockbuster is in this way licensed as part of a package
deal to saturate the screens. In many jurisdictions, this practice violates
competition rules. Arguably, the audience’s demand is therefore largely
irrelevant since the market relationship takes place between the majors as
producers and distributors (offer) and film exhibitors (demand). The
dominant market position of the majors’ oligopoly leaves almost no screen
capacity for content other than for blockbusters from one single cultural
origin, unless governments intervene on a national and regional level by
way of cultural laws and policies aimed at promoting diversity in the
audiovisual offer.’ (Germann 2003)
It would make sense to tax the excessive marketing budgets of
blockbusters, bestsellers and stars and transfer this collected money to
the marketing budgets of other cultural productions. This would bring
them to an equal position and would make sure that falsification of the
competition no longer exists. (Ibid.)
(i) Oligopolistic ownership claims may be limited as well by the
reduction of our excessive copyright system. This has an octopus-like
character. It will last almost forever, and everything that looks like a
specific content may also be owned. Copyright has become less of an
instrument to pay artists but turned more into a control mechanism of the
cultural industries with as much content as possible. The time is near
when our entire cultural heritage from the past to the present will be in the
hands of only a few owners. It goes without saying that this is not
democratic. Such a monopolistic control on artistic expressions has never
existed before in history and in no other culture other than in present
Western societies.
Lower copyright protection standards are likely to reduce excessive
investments in stars, blockbusters and bestsellers. This has a
consequence that cultural industries will no longer produce “contents”
that are meant for and able to dominate cultural markets all over the planet.
At the same time, this may result in the possibility of many, many more
artists and their creations finding audiences, not being hindered by the
dominant market forces. (Smiers 2003: 207-216).
This is exactly the purpose of all ownership regulations discussed thus
far. A second category of regulations concerns the cultural “content”.
Content regulations
Having a great number of decision makers concerning artistic expression
does not automatically guarantee that audiences, buyers, and listeners can
benefit from the rich diversity of artistic creations and performances that
artists produce. The offer might tend towards a limited range of products.
Why? For instance, because they are cheap, or it is sure that they will
attract a mass public, or they are uncontroversial, or they are more in line
with the political or aesthetic convictions of owners and programme
makers.
An even more important reason to have content regulations is the
reality that we might not succeed immediately in restraining the size and
power of cultural conglomerates and turning them into small or medium
sized enterprises, as mentioned above. A third reason to have content
regulations is that nobody in any society has an equal voice and the
possibility to be heard in public; this also applies to the cultural field. The
consequence of this is that many artistic expressions do not count in
public debate and experience, for instance about taste, about language,
design, kinds of music, theatrical imaginations, narrative structures in film,
or on television. This would be a democratic loss. It will be an
impoverishment if cultural products come from only one foreign country
(with a little from the own country), and not from many other sources,
countries, and cultures.
In general, content regulations are meant to provide access to a
wide range of diverse content via appropriate and relevant distribution
channels. This immediately calls to mind what has already been discussed:
many countries do not have the capacity to let artists create, for example
audiovisual works that are of such quality that they can compete with
foreign products coming from huge cultural industries. This said, these
countries should get the financial means to build production and
distribution infrastructures while giving artists the chance to develop their
craft.
Content regulations can make sure that cultural industries cannot
go on to dump their wares on markets that do not have the economic and
infrastructural clout to resist these cultural invasions, and that would
otherwise never be able to produce artistic expression which is more
costly. Many countries are small. So, it would be wise, for such countries
to cooperate on a regional level with neighbouring countries in the

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development of cultural productions and to assure them that there is a
market that is bigger than the home market.
Content regulations may serve different objectives. The most
typical regulation tries to assure that domestic artistic products can be
shown in sufficient quantity. It focuses on the own country, on creative
developments going around, and hopefully giving abundant shelf space
to those works of art.
Secondly, content regulations may be aimed at promoting the
existence of a culturally diverse offer from surrounding countries and
other parts of the world. In huge countries like India, China and Brazil it
would be worthwhile for regulations to promote the exchange of cultural
creations from all the different corners of these, of course, culturally very
diverse countries. Obviously, this idea of looking further than the own
country or province is more complicated to realise than just regulating that
only local artistic developments are not to be snowed under the torrents of
the globally operating cultural industries. Most existing content
regulations have an eye on safeguarding domestic artistic life. This is
important. However, it is also important to take care that the diversity of
artistic expression has a place and that the whole world, and all different
artistic varieties, comes into the cultural picture and should be an object of
regulating policies.
The third purpose of content regulations is to ensure that the broad
diversity of categories of cultural representations is not neglected. It can
promote diversity of genres. This may mean, for instance, the protection
and promotion of cultural, linguistic, political, and demographic diversity,
including different minority interests. The objective of these three
purposes is to prevent cultural creations from having a too uniform
source; or to put it another way - they should promote the confrontation
between public and diversified forms of cultural communication.
In general four kinds of content regulations can be conceived. We
may call them: (a) the at least kind of regulation; (b) the must carry
system; (c) the no more than alternative; and (d) the reciprocity policy.
(a) Most forms of content regulations are those that can be indicated
as at least. It speaks about the percentage of domestic product that
should at least be presented. For instance, the European Directive
Television without Frontiers contains a domestic (i.e. European Union)
quota system. But it is precisely this legislation that shows that different
kinds of regulations should be mixed in order to reach the desired purpose.
Ben Goldsmith and research partners comment that there are a number of
problems with the EU systems, including difficulties in adequately policing
airtime and in programming budget-based quota systems. ‘One
commentator even argues that the Directive actually served to weaken
national controls and enabled the entry of American programming because
no limits were placed on imported programming, and because the
definition of “European works” extended to official co-productions and
programs made in Europe by non-European producers (Venturelli 1998:
202-5).’ (in Raboy 2002: 99). The statement of “no limits were placed on
imported programming” brings us to the no more than alternative that I
will discuss under (c).
In France a music content regulation ensures that at least 40 per
cent of the songs broadcast on radio, with some variations, should be in
the French language; at least half of them should be from new talent or
newly produced. This is quite a successful system, with only a few
problems. There is no obligation to broadcast music from other European
countries. The consequence? The musical offer is limited to that of French
musicians and Anglo-Saxon material. A second inconvenience is that a
few major record companies are the prime source for DJ’s and VC’s. An
obligation that over the year the music offer must come from, for instance
fifty record companies, would really help the promotion of diversity. A
third anomaly is that in prime time only a tiny percentage of the music
produced in France can be heard. Diversity exists, but it does not get a
chance to play a significant role in public life. Thus, broadcasters (public
as well as private commercial) should be required to make their selection
representative for the broadness of the jealously making expansive French
music scene.
For several years in South Korea a screen quota system exists. This
makes it mandatory for movie theatres in the nation to screen Korean films
in the cinemas for no less than 146 days out of the 365 of a whole year.
Broadcasting companies must show Korean films around 30 per cent out
of their total airtime for films. This is the result of the concentrated efforts
of the Korean Coalition for Cultural Diversity in Moving Images and its
predecessor the Screen Quota Watchers. Actually it works. US films held a
47% share of the Korean movie market, while Korean films 46%. This has
had a positive effect on the production of films in Korea, and several of
them are winning international awards. In any case, it gives directors the
chance to make many films in a row and thus to learn the craft, while in

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most parts of the world a director is happy when he or she can make one
film every three or four years.
The quota system does not prevent some films from still having
their origins in Hollywood. It does not exclude, but it enlarges the range of
options. Nevertheless, the US is not happy and threatens not to sign an
investment agreement with South Korea, because Hollywood studios like
to have a completely open playing field for their products globally, thus
also in Korea. The pressure on the Korean government to open its
cinematographic market is huge. Therefore it would be of enormous
support if more Asian countries would adopt a quota system for films.
This would make it easier for the Koreans to withstand the American
pressure.
One problem that I have signalled here already, in the Korean film
case, is that the offer of films stays limited to locally made cinematic
products and films from Hollywood. Is there no news on the film front from
other countries? This is unlikely. A system would help that says that no
more than, for instance, twenty per cent of the films may come from one
country (see under (c) below), and that at least another thirty per cent
should come from many other countries in and outside their own region.
Is it desirable, and feasible, to regulate the digital domain? This is a huge
question. Philippe Quéau observes that regulations are necessary because
in this field global monopolies develop, and the new technical processes
do not offer by definition access to information and development for all.
‘Regulating mechanisms which are specific for the global information
society should therefore be conceived. The start should be putting in
place a legal framework with global reach and institutions that are capable
of defending the global public interests.’ 11 There is no lack of subjects
that require regulation, according to Philippe Quéau.
He sums up: the positions of satellites; fair competition and global
anti-trust laws concerning the fields of telecommunications, software and
electronic commerce; the definition of the concept of elementary global
services; fair entrance to the global centres of internet routing that are
presently dominated by monopolistic operators; the definition of tariff
politics for international telecommunications; and with regard to the
administration of intellectual property rights, a better equilibrium should
be reached between right-holders and users. Also, a system that gives
11 Philip Quéau, Une mythe fondateur pour la mondialisation, Le Monde, 17
February 2001.
developing countries better access to knowledge and creativity should be
created. 12 Several of these topics would demand a mix of ownership and
content regulations.
In the same vein as Philippe Quéau, Gillian Doyle considers that
‘conventional ownership rules based exclusively on “traditional” media
have, to some extent, been overtaken by developments surrounding
digitisation, convergence and the growth of the internet, and national
policy-makers have to respond accordingly. . . . Regulating “gateways”
and potential bottlenecks (e.g. monopoly control over conditional access
systems, or user navigation systems or key content) has become pivotal
to the objective of ensuring open and diverse systems of media
provision.’ (2002a: 151).
Two key elements are essential. First, to regulate the technical
infrastructure of the digital domain in order to avoid having just a few
players who control the conditions of using the digital world. Lawrence
Lessig, as mentioned before, indicates even that nobody should have
ownership of the spectrum. (Lessig 2002). The second element concerns
the distribution of content – I would prefer the term ‘cultural creations’,
but currently ‘content’ is the widely used terminology – in the digital
world, according to Garry Neil 13 . Care should be taken to make sure that
cultural diversity gets a real chance in this rapidly growing field of digital
communication. Once it is lost, it is lost for a long time to come. In order to
bear out his argument Garry Neil goes back a little in Canadian history (his
own country). ‘We have a strong television production industry which is
very good and effective, but we have nearly no film production industry.
Why? It is not because we don’t have the creative people. What is the
difference? We control publicly the distribution of television; there we
always have regulated the distributors, the broadcasters, the cable
companies, the satellite companies; we regulate them. We don’t regulate
film distribution. We succeed in television, we fail in film.’
The lesson Garry Neil draws from this experience is that regulation
of distribution is the key element in realising the desired cultural diversity
and this is also true for the internet. ‘Who is doing the distribution there?
The Internet Service Provider. Thus, they will get the content obligation.
Some people will argue that if you regulate them, they will go offshore.
This is no answer because they have to collect the money, thus they have
12 Ibid.
13 Interview with Garry Neil, coordinator of the International Network for Cultural
Diversity, Toronto , 22 January 2003.

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to have some kind of physical presence in the country, and thus you can
regulate them. They need a physical place.’ But what kinds of regulations
would be appropriate? ‘It is not going to be the traditional model of
regulations. The central focus point will be the navigation system, while
this is the key in distribution. The content regulation will work as follows.
The audience can make a choice out of a list of, for instance, ten movies or
ten comedies. Included in the first ten, three or four should be local in
origin, or should otherwise be diversified. And also in the next series of
ten, three or four should be, for instance, local.’ Garry Neil: ‘We cannot
force members of the audience to watch them, of course not. The
regulation, however, has as a purpose making them available to you in
every list of choices, and in a substantial quantity.’ It is not about
excluding anything, but it is about offering the audience the choice from
the full range of options.
Thus, diversity should be the normal share of the offer. Diversity is
not hidden in a far away, difficult to find corner. It is self-evidently
present. This has far reaching consequences for the production of
comedies, films, games, shows, and so on: ‘The distribution obligation is
at the same time a powerful incentive for cultural enterprises to produce
the demanded diversity.’ This means that diversity of production follows
automatically from the already existing diversity on the distribution side. A
huge topic remains on how to monitor and assess the Internet Service
Providers who are, thus, obliged to put conditions on the companies who
wish to use their distribution facilities.
Another significant issue is whether such digital content regulations
infringe the freedom many internet users cherish and whether or not it
streamlines the use that was supposed to be more anarchistic of character.
To start with this last observation. It is doubtful whether so many people
use the internet creatively. Probably most of them use it like they used
television, and tune in on what is within easy reach. A cultural diversity
policy should give them, indeed, the choice from a wide variety of options.
Does the introduction of such kinds of regulations change the
character of the internet? Not really, because it is already in a process of
transformation. For several reasons the internet is becoming more and
more controlled. To name some of them: security concerns, for reasons
that are not difficult to guess; moral issues (like child pornography) urge
public authorities to control what is going around on the internet;
commercial interests like to see their trade protected and paid in this new
domain where businesses take off only when the free-beer-principle has
been abolished; and of course national states like to receive the taxes.
If this is the reality, then it must be a high priority for cultural
movements to steer those regulatory processes in directions that do not
harm freedom of expression and communication, and the spread of cultural
diversity. On the contrary. First, care should be taken that the cultural field
in this newly digitised world does not become a playground for the
cultural conglomerates only. The consequence would be that, instead of
having more options, the cultural offer will stay as limited as is presently
the case, in the “material” world, where cultural giants bear the sceptre. On
the internet a huge space should remain, perhaps even the largest space,
where independent artists, their collectives and their groups and modestly
sized institutes can present their work and can communicate actively with
each other and with every other interested party.
Second, digitisation and the internet offer unique opportunities for
creative adaptation as existed in all centuries and in nearly all countries,
until the Western copyright system started to freeze works of art
forbidding artists from creatively transforming what their predecessors
have done. Cultural industries presently try to allow the penetration of this
creatively unproductive copyright system into all the pores of the internet.
Thirdly, the regulations concerning moral issues - that are partly
understandable and sometimes even desirable - also demand vigilance.
One step too far, too much regulation, then freedom of expression is done
for.
It might seem that productive thinking about regulations in favour
of cultural diversity on the internet is still at its beginning. A major task
will be educating people into becoming competent citizens that know how
to use this medium as creatively as possible.
A question that suddenly becomes relevant is whether the whole new field
of games should be taken into consideration here. Is it included in the field
of cultural production and communication for which we try to define
relevant forms of regulation? The answer should be yes. It is theatre, pure
drama; it has narrative structures; and it is full of aesthetics. The main
discussion is not whether it should be regulated because of the violent
content of many of the game genres. Nevertheless, I think that there is
reason enough to include this topic in our debate because it is linked to
the question ‘if and how’ to regulate. In the case of games regulatory
frameworks are very much desired for a number of reasons. Morally, there

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is no reason to treat the digital world any differently from the world we
know thus far. The fact is that strong violent imaginations construct the
moral make-up of viewers and users, and also that of games, and this
influences indirectly their day-to-day behaviour. Not only are regulations
desirable from this perspective, but also because of the immanent threat
for diversity as a consequence of market developments. Actually, the field
of games is very much conglomerated. There are three major industrial
players who dominate the market, and it is not inconceivable that this
number will be reduced to two in the near future. Of course, there are many
others who are trying to find a place under the digital sun, but they are
pushed away more and more from public attention by the omnipresence of
the big three.
What to do? Where is the access for regulations? There is an
urgent need for public authorities to support, with subsidies and other
facilities, the production of a great diversity of games. Otherwise this
interesting interactive cultural field will be left to a couple of dominant
market forces. On the side of outlets the question is less easy to answer.
Actually, there are two equally important instances of distribution.
Potential players buy a game in a shop, then adapt it to their requirements
on the internet and pay there a second time accordingly. To regulate the
internet in this field, as in the digital examples given up here by Garry Neil
would not make sense. Players, who have bought a game in a shop will
steer their mouse straightforwardly to the site of the company from which
they have bought the game. Would this then mean that the only remaining
starting-point for regulating is the shop? Until now we have tried to avoid
taking shops as the point of regulation, because in the case of publishing,
it would prove difficult to get a grip on the stock in shops. In the case of
games, one can buy them in a number of different outlets. Getting a grip on
them is nearly a mission impossible; a limited number of outlets are
relatively easier to regulate, monitor and assess than dispersed ones. So,
the question how to regulate the distribution of games stays, thus far,
unanswered, but is nevertheless relevant.
(b) After this exposé on the at least variable content regulations, the
second option of content regulations is the must carry system, that might
also be called the essential facility doctrine under US law that says that an
enterprise that controls a specific channel of communication must open it
up to more suppliers than just the owner of the essential facility (Germann
2003: 121). This approach requires monopolists or dominant players on the
cultural market to give third-party access to rivals on terms that are fair
and non-discriminatory. (Doyle 2002: 169). If a cultural enterprise in the
field of production, distribution or promotion (or all of them at the same
time) is very strongly present on the cultural market (at the moment this
cannot be avoided) then it should get a public task to fulfil. This will
ensure that cultural diversity continues to exist, despite the market
dominant position of this specific enterprise. The public task is to be the
carrier of diversity without interfering editorially or otherwise in the artistic
choice of what selected independent producers and distributors wish to
offer to the public.
The must carry system is a crucial one because it regulates that
access to all different kinds of content is available and possible.
Obviously, all the social and cultural objectives of other regulations in
favour of cultural diversity through such mechanisms as quotas,
subsidies, tax systems and so on could not be met if viewers or listeners
cannot find access to this content.
(c) Maybe one of the most challenging forms of content regulations is
the system clearly defining that cultural products from one foreign country
may not have a market share larger than, for example, ten, twenty or twenty
five per cent. One may call this the no more than alternative. It limits the
market share. This is an attractive form because it keeps the cultural market
open for cultural creations from everywhere in the world. However, there
should not be one foreign source that overwhelms local cultural life
substantially. The basic principle here is that: this regulation is not about
exclusion, but does make sure that there is space for the presentation of a
wide range of diverse cultural options.
For instance, in South Korea the Broadcasting Act limits foreign
content to 20 per cent for terrestrial channels, 30 per cent for cable
channels, or up to 50 per cent if the cable programs concern technology
and science, culture, or sports. However, Daeho Kim and Seok-Keyong
Hong remark that the ratio of foreign content does not even reach this
level. ‘Thus, it can be said that the quota is a normative line rather than a
practical restraint.’ (Kim 2001: 79).
The no more than alternative is not directed against one specific
country, or any specific cultural enterprise. It just signals that foreign
content, or productions coming from one other single source, have a too
dominant presence on the local cultural market and push aside the variety

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that is necessary in a democratic and human rights perspective. The aim is
to correct this market failure.
(d) A fourth kind of content regulation would be the reciprocity policy.
A foreign country that has a strong presence in another country may hear
from that country this message: if you wish to operate in our country, we
demand that a comparable number of, for instance, films from our country
will be shown in your country. The reciprocity policy is the opposite of
the ideology of the comparative advantage, which says that one country
is better, for example, in film making or in producing shows. So, that
country should do this, with as a benign consequence the product
becomes cheaper for all other countries, and they will get a better quality
product as well. Thus unavoidably, the industry from one country, or a
couple of countries, delivers cultural products into all corners of the world.
For several reasons this “comparative advantage” argument does
not and must not work in the cultural field. Of course, for instance films
made in different countries will differ; but hopefully this will also be the
case within countries. “Better” is therefore an irrelevant concept. It might
happen that in a certain field of artistic expression, and in a certain period
of time and under certain conditions, an enormous outburst of creativity
takes place. But this does not mean that what artists are creating at that
same time in other societies is irrelevant. Also these creations and
performances should have the chance to communicate with the public.
This is a general cultural interest that would be nullified if the
“comparative advantage” philosophy dominated the world.
Does the dominant “comparative advantage” policy make cultural
products cheaper and more consumer friendly, as has been stated in this
philosophy? Even this may be doubted. The exorbitant price of CD’s
counters this argument. Apparently, the music, and also the film industry
do not know how to react to the fabulous cultural possibilities the internet
offers, and tries to tame this medium by scattering lawsuits. It demands
too much of the imagination to call this a consumer friendly industry.
What to think of the huge investments cultural industries make in what
they hope will be bestsellers, blockbusters and stars, knowing that nearly
all of them will fail on the market? Is it that the cultural industries waste
cultural energy? What to think of the publicity sector? This is a sector that
throws away creative ideas, designs and music, all the time.
Why not accept and celebrate that societies are different, countries
are different, and groups within societies differ, and that this results in a
varied range of works of artistic expression? Even the idea that the
production and distribution of a huge diversity would be inefficient does
not hold when we keep in mind the inefficiency and the consumer
unfriendliness that is the hallmark of the cultural industries.
Interesting to note is that a reciprocity regulation has been
introduced by China in its trade negotiations with the United States. This
approach makes it clear that an unequal balance in cultural exchange
should not be self-evident. For the sake of the argument it already works.
Nevertheless, apparently it can be practically applied too. To gain access
to the Chinese cultural market Rupert Murdoch’s Fox had to consent that
its US networks distribute an equal number of Chinese cultural products.
Of course, this reciprocity policy would work only between
countries or regions that are of a comparable size (geographically or
concerning production), for instance the West and East African countries
and the US; or between Southeast Asia and Japan or Hong Kong.
The carrots: subsidies, tax policies and other incentives
Until now only the sticks – ownership and content regulations - have been
brought into the game; let’s see what carrots are able to do in order to
support the development of cultural diversity. The carrots may be
subsidies, infrastructural measures, tax advantages and other forms of
preferential treatment. Sticks alone will not always work, partly because
national states do not have endless power to implement or to enforce
them. On the other hand meanwhile some creations, performances and
shows need financial or infrastructural support. For example, because they
cost more than the market can bear (as is nearly always the case with
opera); or the public does not yet know them, but nevertheless it is, from a
cultural perspective worthwhile that they exist, can communicate with
audiences, enrich the cultural landscape, and build up in time enough
followers to make them financially more feasible; or the competition from
other more or less comparable artistic products is vehement and pushes
other alternatives to the very fringe (for these situations we try to
introduce ownership or content regulations, but this does not always
work); or one does not succeed in strengthening adequate infrastructures
for production, distribution or promotion of artistic expression.

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We should, however, not forget that in most societies quite a lot of
works of art could and can be produced and distributed only by the
support of, for instance, a king, a maecenas, the church, the village, or,
nowadays, the state and its national, regional or local authorities. The
present dominance of the Hollywood film would be inconceivable but for
the huge support it got from the US government at the beginning of the
twentieth century; also nowadays the American state supports, in trade
negotiations and in many other platforms, its film and music industry; and
some may say, quite aggressively. It is important to note, again, that
several of the support measures that will be discussed below, may be too
expensive for poor countries, and therefore a Cultural Development Fund
is highly necessary, as mentioned before.
Subsidies can be given in different forms. It may be given, for
instance, to producers, to artists themselves, broadcasters, intermediaries,
or to venues. In The Netherlands, there are two interesting examples in the
field of the visual arts, where the public is subsidized in one way or
another. In nearly every town or city there are lending libraries for works
of visual arts, the so-called “artotheek”. The public can borrow these
works for several months at very reasonable prices and hang them on their
walls. Even more interesting is the system where people (who do not earn
above a certain amount of money per year) can buy works of art and pay
for them using interest free terms, which is funded at the expense of the
Ministry of Culture.
Important are, of course, subsidies for training of artists, and for
arts education in schools, clubs and associations. In many countries
subsidies are actually guarantees. For instance, in the case of a subsidized
film becoming successful, the money goes back to the ministry or any
other public fund. They may also be soft loans, or they may be guarantees
for bank loans. The state may also be the initiator and the enforcement
authority for different kinds of levies, like the blank tape levy, that may be
used partly for remunerating artists, but also for contributions to specific
cultural projects. Subsidies may be used for artists exchange projects, or
for cultural representations abroad. The state may also stimulate lotteries
whose purpose is to financially support social and cultural projects.
In France, a stimulating policy exists concerning the production of
films. I do not speak about French films, because there is not one film
genre that characterises the French film landscape; there are many
different kinds, and this is as it should be. What is it that makes France
relatively unique in Europe? In no other country in this part of the world
are there so many locally made films on show as in France. Besides a
generous subsidy system other measures have also been taken to promote
film production on a substantial scale. Cinemagoers pay a small amount of
money on every ticket that goes to the national fund for film production.
Television channels are obliged to take part in the production of certain
quantities of films. And, since decentralisation brought more money to the
regions and the provinces (les départements), they contribute
substantially to the production of films and this has the interesting side
effect that many films find their inspiration and location in the countryside
and in towns far away from Paris.
At present cinemas all over the country screen these films and there
is a large interested audience for them. Many towns have communally
financed cinemas, which means that these films have a chance in nearly all
corners of the country. A problem arises with the large-scale introduction
of multiplexes with many screens. Most of the time they are vertically
linked with the Hollywood studios – even by presales and so-called coproduction
agreements. This might become a problem for French film
production. When there is less exhibition space for the locally made film,
then it looses its popularity, its financial underpinning, and its political
support. This brings the question to the fore of whether the multiplexes
should become regulated with content quotas and ownership regulations.
A problem, not only in Europe, is that films and other artistic
creations and performances do not reach neighbouring countries; they do
not cross borders anymore. For instance, in Latin America, it used to be
quite normal for books published in one country to also be distributed
self-evidently in many other countries on the continent. This is not the
case anymore. In a cultural perspective this is a loss, but also
economically the lack of exchange is harmful for the development of
cultural diversity. Many countries have small markets, but together in a
region there are huge audiences and groups of buyers that may make
many works of art financially more easily feasible than when they stay in
the own country. A challenging task for ministers of culture and their
colleagues for economic affairs would be to establish regional exchange
infrastructures for the different fields of the arts. One may be sure that
many more works of artistic expression would then appear on the market
that would otherwise depend on subsidies. (Smiers 2003: 205-207). In huge
countries like Brazil, India, Indonesia, or Russia it would be a cultural gain
if cultural exchange within the country could be stimulated and facilitated.

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Many countries have a complex range of legislated tax measures which
have a direct positive impact on the cultural sector. There is a chance that
they will be less at risk in the daily political turmoil than subsidies whose
total amount can be cut more easily. Tax advantages, and comparable
incentives are given automatically when for instance, a producer fulfils
certain conditions, unless a specific tax law is changed.
Tax credits are a cost to government because it is giving up part of
its revenue. However, Canada for instance uses a tax credit system that is
based on the concept of “foregone” tax for private sector companies and
individuals in the cultural field. This might interest, for example, film
producers, who should first try to find investment money for making a film
themselves. However, the government agrees to reduce the amount of tax
a producer will have to pay in the year the exploitation of the film starts.
This means no money (no subsidy is given by the government) but when
the film appears the producer does not have to pay tax at the same rate as
any other income. This form of tax incentive is meant to encourage
creativity, and it generates income for the state because the government
gets revenue on a film, book, music cassette or TV programme that would
not otherwise have been produced.
This list of carrots that may help artists, intermediaries and the public, is
just a sample of what public authorities can do in order to support cultural
diversity. Because these are public facilities, systems of granting should
be, as much as possible, at an arms’ length from politicians and
bureaucrats. Their preferences should stay out of the decision-making
processes. In many countries this is a hard lesson to learn: it is a
challenge.
A bigger challenge, as mentioned before, is whether subsidies and
other public support systems for the arts can remain at all. They are
threatened, as mentioned before, because in trade terms they falsify
competition. The threat is actually twofold, and comes, not surprisingly,
from the WTO. Within WTO, the National Treatment principle exists. This
implies that foreign enterprises should be treated in the same way as local
ones: the same rights, the same obligations. The consequence for the
cultural field of the National Treatment is that foreign artists, producers
and cultural industries would have the same rights on subsidies and other
preferential treatments as cultural enterprises and creators and performers
living in that specific country. It is not difficult to guess that this is the
end of any subsidy system. After all, it is impossible to subsidise arts and
entertainment in the whole world!
The second threat comes from the argument that subsidies falsify
competition and distort trade. The pressure on countries, specifically
coming from the US, is that every country must justify why a cultural
support system is not falsifying competition. Maybe, the subsidy for a
very small local theatre group may stay. But, governments must explain,
for instance, why they have three public television channels. The quest
will be for the public service to do what the commercial channels cannot
do. The private, commercial enterprise is the norm, and maybe a little bit of
public service and a minimum of subsidies will be tolerated.
Does this mean that all subsidies and public service institutions will
be and must be abolished tomorrow? Probably not tomorrow, but decisive
steps in this process within WTO have been set, and the time will pass
very quickly.
Public accountability
In the general overview of regulations in favour of cultural diversity, the
responsibility of cultural enterprises themselves should be considered.
This is what we may call public accountability. Cultural corporations
should make themselves accountable. The appropriate tool therefore could
be that they commit themselves to a corporate cultural charter. One
should not expect them to voluntarily agree to observe all the regulations
proposed concerning ownership and content regulations: notably to
reduce their size and differentiate their contents. It remains the task of
public authorities to regulate cultural markets in this perspective. Having
said this, however, enough has been left over for cultural enterprises to
show themselves as being responsible. Freedom of expression is not at
daggers drawn with accountability.
The Commission on Global Governance, in its report Our Global
Neighbourhood (1995: 56), postulates that while enjoying basic rights, all
people share responsibilities: to contribute to the common good; to
consider the impact of their actions on the security and welfare of others;
to promote equity, including gender equity; to protect the interests of
future generations by pursuing sustainable development and
safeguarding the global commons; to preserve humanity’s cultural and

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intellectual heritage; to be active participants to governance; and to work
to eliminate corruption. (summarized in Dacyl 2003: 45).
The concept of responsibility should again play a role. I do
understand that it is very difficult, if nigh impossible, to motivate large
cultural enterprises to voluntarily make, without any outside pressure, a
list or charter for their behaviour both internally in the company and
externally on what they should accomplish in the outside world. I know as
well, that cultural movements do not have the same kind of pressure force
that environmental movements have, but even they must hope that social
and ecological charters like the one which Shell has accepted may work.
Nevertheless, we can put pressure on our governments to make sure that
they oblige cultural corporations (above a certain size) to adopt a
corporate cultural charter.
The cultural field is a precarious place in our societies and should
not be controlled only by economically driven rights. Nobody can accept
as a serious argument that enterprises, whose main aim is to accumulate
capital, are able to behave responsibly concerning the development of
cultural diversity (in all aspects, as described above) if they are not
obliged to do so. Thus, governments should state that if you, the cultural
enterprise – coming from abroad, or from inside – wish to operate in our
country, the basic conditions are these:
- you draft a corporate cultural charter;
- in that charter you agree to mention certain specific topics, as
summed up below;
- you discuss this draft publicly, notably with the National Arts
Council;
- you improve the charter according to the results of any debates;
- you report yearly upon measures taken to live up to this charter,
and also accept and facilitate reports coming from the National Arts
Councils;
- in case your charter and/or the evaluations do not meet the minimal
standards of responsible behaviour, the charter will be replaced by
a directive or another legal instrument that obligates you to certain
conditions of behaviour;
- in case you still do not behave responsibly in a culturally diverse
perspective, your operations in our country will be terminated.
Will this be realised tomorrow? Probably not. However, should we
aim to reach a situation in which cultural enterprises make themselves
accountable? Yes of course. Thus, it is better to prepare ourselves, and
engage in the debate on what the responsibilities of cultural corporations
should be. Strategically it is good to remember that large corporations are
concerned with their image. Cultural conglomerates that dominate the
artistic field can also be shamed, on the topics as discussed before and
about the responsibilities they bear. Therefore we have to formulate what
these responsibilities should be.
I have designed several broad categories, and sub-categories, that
may help to stimulate thinking. There will be people who might say: why
not bring these topics under ownership regulations, as discussed above
(where some behavioural questions are also classed), or under the content
regulations? It would indeed be possible. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to
start the exercise with an experimental corporate cultural charter. It opens
the opportunity to publicly debate the kind of responsibility we expect
from cultural enterprises catering in our cultural and social surroundings,
and how we like them to make themselves accountable. What are the
topics we might think of when we speak about a corporate cultural
charter?
* The first category brings the ownership, the dependency, the
influence and the lobby relations of the cultural corporation into the
picture. Who are the owners? How is the ownership organised and
structured, in what kinds of networks? What kinds of cross-ownerships
exist? From which outside forces is the company dependent, for example
from which banks and other financial sources, or from which other social
interest groups? Where do they keep their money? To which political,
religious or other social interest groups are they contributing? What
informal relations do they have with major decision makers that are
important for their functioning?
* The second category concerns how cultural enterprises are to be
governed. They must be obliged to take representatives from diverse
cultural backgrounds onto their boards of trustees. And, they should
invite artists and thinkers from different ilk to participate on advisory
committees. At its highest level social and cultural contradictions must be
discussed and the outcomes must stimulate the artistic and cultural
decisions cultural enterprises engage themselves in.

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* A third category deals with internal relations in the cultural
enterprise. Ownership of the corporation must be separated, as strictly as
possible, from the processes of decision-making concerning artistic and
editorial affairs. In several countries news media have editorial covenants
that restrict the influence of the owners to the nomination of the chief
editor and the establishment of the editorial basic principles. (Doyle 2002:
152). It goes without saying that this model can be transferred easily to
cultural enterprises. A cultural covenant would seek to prevent proprietors
from influencing the editorial and artistic content of the media, production
facilities and outlets they own.
* The fourth category would intervene in the relation between
advertisers and the media that produce, present and promote products of
artistic expression (including of course entertainment and design,
comprised as before in the concept of the arts). First, cultural enterprises
must be obliged to make a strict division between publicity and
programmes. Their policy on how they will realise this objective must be
transparent and the day-to-day practice must be controllable. Second,
publicity slots, time and space should not overshadow programmes and
other cultural content. Cultural media should not for a substantial part be
driven by the aim of presenting as many advertisements as possible. The
public should have the right not to be influenced any moment of the day
by publicity. Cultural enterprises should commit themselves to carry
substantially less publicity than is nowadays more and more the case.
Publicity should have a modest place and should not push programming
aside. Third, advertising should be held to a much higher standard for
truth and accuracy than exists at present. (McChesney 1997: 67,8). It is the
task of cultural corporations to present only advertisements that comply
with this norm, and to make their policies concerning this issue
transparent.
* The fifth category does not evade the difficult topic of how cultural
enterprises should engage themselves in questions of moral
responsibility. Producers, distributors and promoters of artistic expression
do always make, by definition, choices that have a moral component. They
should agree to make their policies in this field explicit and must engage
themselves in public debates about their choices.
* Corporations that use, unavoidably by their activities in society,
common public space – materially, spiritually, or virtually – must also
contribute to the development of the cultural diversity of these societies.
This is the sixth and last category for a corporate cultural charter. They
should respect cultural traditions and cultural heritage, and refrain from
misusing or appropriating it. At the same time, they must oblige
themselves to produce, distribute and promote the whole and diverse area
of theatre, films, music, dance, visual arts, design, literature, games and
diverse multimedia that is dawning in society. Cultural corporations that
earn substantial amounts of money in a given country – for instance
American cultural industries take more than 2 billion dollars out of the
Canadian market – must oblige themselves to reinvest substantial parts of
such sums in such a country.
These are reasonable demands. Only, we have to get used to
putting words to the responsibilities cultural enterprises should bear, and
to give voice to these words.
Monitoring
Facts and figures are essential to make citizens aware about the
abnormality of the concentrated cultural power that a limited number of
corporations exercise in our societies. We need to have data that
illuminates how they play a strategic and decisive role as gatekeepers
preventing cultural diversity from being part and parcel of our public life.
Without concrete evidence it is difficult to convince politicians that
essential cultural values will be lost if they do not intervene. Regulations
will be more adequate, the more they are based on the real production,
distribution, and promotion relations as already exist in the different
cultural fields.
There is a lack of knowledge on market shares, on how few songs
can be heard on the radio out of the abundance that musicians create and
perform, on how very few films have been screened by cinemas that have
been produced in the own country and region, on dumping cultural
industries practice, on turnovers, on how existing quota systems function,
on the quantitatively overwhelming presence of Anglo-Saxon literature in
non-English speaking countries, et cetera; on changes in the cultural
market, and so on; on the facts and figures behind all the topics as
discussed in this book. In Sweden, for instance, research showed that a

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public service channel had a decrease of fifty per cent in the number of
songs they played over ten years. Such figures may stimulate the debate,
may mobilise audiences and musicians demanding a more richly diverse
offer, and may bring politicians and programme makers themselves to
action. The same might happen in other fields and forms of artistic
expression.
There is a need for several monitoring agencies. First, in the
framework of a new Convention on Cultural Diversity, developments in the
cultural fields should be observed, and data should be gathered and
structured. There should be information documented about the
implementation of the Convention in the different countries and regions;
about the contradictions it has with, for instance the WTO treaties; about
conflicts that potentially may arise; and it should have a transparency
about the cases that will be under dispute settlements. Such a Convention
on Cultural Diversity can only productively function if an Observatory
brings together information about the various kinds of regulations member
states have taken in order to protect and promote cultural diversity, in all
its different meanings. This data should be structured, made
understandable, and should be a source of inspiration for countries whilst
developing cultural policies that also include regulatory systems that
restrict the power of cultural conglomerates and that guarantees the offer
of widely diverse contents.
To ensure the implementation of the Convention on Cultural
Diversity and encourage member states to work together to achieve the
objectives pursued, provision should be made for a monitoring
mechanism. According to Ivan Bernier and Hélène Ruiz Fabri (2002), the
responsibilities of a monitoring body would be twofold. It should receive
notifications from states with regard to their procedural obligations. States
could be required not only to notify subsidy systems, intervention
frameworks, domestic regulations and competition rules to the monitoring
committee, but also to submit annual or biennial self-assessment reports.
States would commit themselves to evaluating the effectiveness of their
actions in various aspects. ‘In this way, expertise could be disseminated
and the approaches pursued by intervention instruments harmonized.’
The monitoring committee could also be entrusted to discuss or
even formulate recommendations on compliance with the instrument’s
objectives. It could act as a consultative body. ‘Such information and
monitoring procedures would be useful in that they may demonstrate
whether intervention is proportional to the objectives set. Provision might
also be made for establishing cooperation mechanisms. For, example, a
State in need of technical cooperation with respect to competition law in
the cultural sector could obtain technical assistance through the
committee.’ (Bernier 2002).
Furthermore, national states should have a Cultural Observatory that
gathers and structures this kind of information for the own country and
translates the data and facts from many other countries into applicable
policy measures. National states should also establish a Cultural
Competition Authority that will have an intervening role if certain cultural
enterprises dominate the market too much, within a cultural perspective.
This means that the ruling of this Authority should be far stricter than is
usual with Competition Authorities.
But of course cultural NGO’s should establish their own Cultural
Observatories as well. There is the expectation that they would be more
alert to market distortions. They see in the daily practice that thousands of
artists, from many different ilk, contribute to the flourishing of our
cultures, but they also observe when this diversity is absent in the public
space. A cultural impact assessment (maybe called a cultural diversity
index) should be developed nationally, regionally and globally comparable
to the work the environmental movement has done with impact
assessments. Now that Unesco has put the drafting of a Convention on
Cultural Diversity on its agenda, it is high time for cultural NGO’s to
monitor what the content will be, how the text will be formulated, what
kinds of contradictions and struggles may arise and in what manner they
may be influenced, and how, eventually and hopefully, such a Convention
will be implemented. All these dispersed fragments of information must be
distributed, in a coherent way, to arts networks and other groups involved
(or yet to be involved) in cultural diversity issues.

84 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 85
at the end comes the beginning
STRATEGIC OBSERVATION
For audiences and for policy makers it is difficult to imagine that the
cultural offer could be completely different from their day-to-day
experience. They are not participating in the processes of making choices
within cultural industries. They do not have the information about what
other artistic, moral, entertaining, beautiful, raw, romantic, serious, or
unexpected options are possible. The pleasure the entertainment and other
artistic products provide them does not lead them to thinking about
ownership concentrations from cultural giants. Audiences and buyers are
end-users, and are enticed or impressed by the cultural offer that is most
near to them. Therefore, it is very difficult to get discussions started about
the attack that is going on on cultural diversity, because most people are
unaware that we are in the process of loosing important values, not only in
the ecological, but also in the cultural field.
What to do? I would say there are three layers of activity that can
be employed. First, NGO’s in the cultural field should train many of their
adherents to formulate what the problem is; why cultural diversity matters;
what contradictions are inherent to this concept; why WTO is not the
appropriate place for giving public exposure to the whole rainbow of
existing artistic expression; what kind of Convention and what kinds of
regulations could provide a better breeding ground for cultural diversity
that will also guarantee a fairer income for artists; and what more should
be done, for instance, to push governments to guarantee freedom of
expression, to introduce cultural policies, to stimulate cultural exchange
with neighbouring countries and many other parts of the world; and to do
all what can be done to avoid the dominating positions of cultural
enterprises and specific artistic expressions.
It would be a misunderstanding to think that artists are solely
responsible for spreading the message that another cultural playing field is
possible. And that it would be their task to lobby for it. Yes, it is true that
many of them do not have the chance to find audiences because cultural
conglomerates obstruct their passage. Nevertheless, it is in the interest of
all citizens that many artistic expressions are able to be communicated. We
do not have a sane society if only a handful of decision makers determine

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what forms of artistic expressions are available to us and what will
contribute to the development of our identities.
This makes it necessary to broaden the coalition to a second layer.
The purpose should be that as many social organisations as possible put
the promotion of cultural diversity on their agenda. In former times, trade
unions also defended the cultural interests of their members. Why isn’t it
possible for this to come back? There are many more organisations that
fight against the domination of conglomerates and that have the
promotion of diversity on their agenda. We only have to think of
movements in the field of the environment, health, education and
agriculture. Isn’t it that associations of small entrepreneurs may be kicked
out at short notice for the same reasons as cultural diversity is under
threat?
The third layer is the involvement in movements that try to
delegitimise WTO. This neoliberal trade body takes away peoples’
identities. It is exactly this reality that makes it possible for cultural
movements to forge a coalition with activists from all different corners of
social life, from ecology, agriculture, health, education and labour. Their
demands are that basic human rights will not be denied, that identities will
no longer be raped, and that they can give voice to their own desires.
After Cancún it is more than ever clear that WTO stands for a bankrupt
agenda.
All these doubts will be cast into shadow by one certainty: history
never stays the same. What has been proposed in this booklet is a small
contribution to try to open the eyes and minds of everybody, including
me. It is possible to imagine that the diversity artists create will one day be
a normal part of our daily experiences. It is not unthinkable that cultural
conglomerates will be and must be reduced in size substantially. In any
case, it will make our cultures (plural) more vivid, and that is certainly a
worthwhile endeavour.
If we can learn anything from history, it is that things never remain the
same. For the contemporary the present is overwhelmingly at hand, and it
looks unchangeable, as if it was always there. However, in regard to
artistic expression: the neoliberal agenda is only a couple of decades old,
and most of the cultural giants are not as old as that.
Even after having proposed many possible kinds of interventions in
favour of the development of cultural diversity, it still looks a little
unrealistic to me. Can it become true? How can we convince a sufficient
number of our co-citizens that democracy and the right of access to the
means of artistic expression demand that dominant forms of control on the
cultural landscape must be substantially changed? Are we able to propose
measures that keep the cultural field truly open for many films, genres of
music, books, shows, forms of design and visual arts, games, and
multimedia? Can we establish a Convention on Cultural Diversity that will
put aside the WTO regarding artistic creation, production, distribution,
promotion and the conditions for reception?

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94 Artistic Expression in a Corporate World
Artistic Expression in a Corporate World 95
ARTS UNDER PRESSURE
Promoting Cultural Diversity in the Age of Globalisation
Joost Smiers
ARTS UNDER PRESSURE analyses the relevant forces behind decision
making in cultural matters worldwide, specifically in the field of the arts,
under the influence of economic globalisation. The book deals with all the
arts, in all parts of the world. The arts are a field where emotional
incompatibilities, social conflicts, and questions of status between people
collide with great intensity. Add to this the huge economic interests at
stake in the cultural field and we find ourselves in highly charged territory.
This is certainly the case now that economic globalisation is causing
substantial changes in the structure of many institutions in the cultural
field.
The book focuses on the cycle of creation, production, distribution,
promotion, reception and influence. It asks the key questions: who has the
power to decide what reaches audiences,in what quantities, with what
contents and surrounded by what kinds of ambiances? Refuting the
existence of a mass culture, Arts Under Pressure argues that what exists
are artistic creations that are produced, distributed and promoted on a
mass scale. This mass scale pushes aside public attention to the diversity
that - from a democratic perspective - any society desperately needs.
Smiers argues that countries must take culture out of the grip of the WTO
and sign a new International Treaty on Cultural Diversity, which would
give them the full right to take all measures necessary to reduce
significantly the market domination of cultural industries and to formulate
their own cultural policies. The neoliberal world order is not capable of
protecting what is fragile, and this is certainly the case for the blossoming
of artistic diversity at a local level. The author sets out a completely new
vision of copyright: the abolition of which, he suggests, would be
advantageous for artists, third world countries and the public domain. In
the digital domain we can see that the spontaneous meltdown of copyright
is already happening.
CONTENTS
Introduction
1. The arts and the world
The arts: an arena of struggle - Specific forms of communication - A triangle and a
high-tech-archipelago
2. The power to decide
The effects of sheer size - The question of ownership –Cultural package, political
freight, economic weight -Second-tier corporations - Production and distribution
on a mass scale - Visual arts markets: as nervous as the stock market - After the
magnetic telegraph
3. Doubtful originality
The twenty-first century’s most valuable commodity –Hunt the pirates? - Mp3,
Napster, freenet… - Originality - Artists still create - A Western concept
4. Local artistic life
De-localization - A vast domain of cultural production –Diversity destroyed in
less than a decade - Traditional, folk, popular, world… - Identities: demarcations
of differences - Hybridity everywhere, but why?
5. Corporate driven culture
Aesthetics and the land of desire - Something to tell, something to sell - Surrounding
the commercial message - Violence travels well - Influence – Arousing desire,
awakening memory, creating fantasy - The story corporate culture doesn’t tell
6. Freedom and protection
Squaring the circle - Trade: another world war - Re-thinking economic globalization
- A new international treaty on cultural diversity - The road away from cultural
conglomeration - Cultural policies – Regional infrastructures for the distribution of
films – The abolition of copyright- The need for respect and new creative
dynamics - Substantial remuneration for artists - Protecting cultural heritage - The
raid on art -All that’s fragile needs protection - The production of discourse is
always controlled - The digital domain is not what it seemed to be
7. ‘Everything of value is defenceless’
References
JUNE 2003; 320 pages
Hb ISBN 1 84277 262 7
Pb ISBN 1 84277 263 5

In Praise of Commercial Culture
Tyler Cowen
Acknowledgments:
I have received an unusual amount of assistance with this book. First I
would like to give special thanks to Michael Aronson for his work as
editor. A number of other individuals also have been of special help,
including Colin Day, Martin Kessler, Daniel Klein, Thelma Klein, and Titus
Levi. Andrew Levy gave especially useful comments on the literature chapter
and Eric Lyon gave especially useful comments on the music chapter. Several
anonymous referees offered very useful feedback as well. I also would like
to thank Michael Aronson, Andrea Rich and Thomas Schelling for their
encouragement and support during the publication process. I also have
received useful comments from Milton Babbitt, William Baumol, Marvin
Becker, Mark Blaug, David Boaz, Peter Boettke, Peter Brook, Meyer Burstein,
Penelope Brook Cowen, Jerome Ellig, Joel Foreman, H. Bruce Franklin,
Jeffrey Friedman, Elisa George, Richard Goldthwaite, Dan Green, Kevin and
Robin Grier, David Henderson, George Hwang, Tom Jenney, Paul Keating, Alvin
Kernan, Susanne Kernan, Paul Korshin, Randall Kroszner, Timur Kuran, Don
Lavoie, David Levy, John Majewski, Julius Margolis, Carrie Meyer, John
Michael Montias, Fabio Padovano, Pamela Regis, David Schmidtz, Daniel
Sutter, Alex Tabarrok, Turok of Turok's Choice, Karen Vaughn, Fred Wall,
Katarina Zajc, Marty Zupan, and seminar participants at New York University
and the Institute for Humane Studies. I wish to thank Richard Fink, Charles
Koch, and David Koch for assistance with funding, through the Center for
Market Processes and the Koch Foundation. General thanks are due also to
Walter Grinder and Roy Childs. Katarina Zajc and Sarah Jennings provided
invaluable research assistance.
Reader feedback is welcome. I can be reached at Department of Economics,
George Mason University, Fairfax, VA 22030, or tcowen@gmu.edu.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. The Arts in a Market Economy
2. The Market for the Written Word
3. The Wealthy City as a Center for Western Art
4. From Bach to the Beatles: The Developing Market for Music
5. Why Cultural Pessimism?

There is no great work of art which does not convey a new message to
humanity; there is no great artist who fails in this respect. This is the
code of honor of all the great in art, and consequently in all great works
of the great we will find that newness which never perishes, whether it be
of Josquin des Pres, of Bach or Haydn, or of any other great master.
Because: Art means New Art
Arnold Schoenberg, Style and Idea, Selected Writings of Arnold Schoenberg
(London: Faber and Faber, 1975), p.115.
I have many times asked myself, not without wonder, the source of a certain
error which, since it is committed by all the old without exception, can be
believed to be proper and natural to man: namely, that they nearly all
praise the past and blame the present, revile our actions and behaviour and
everything which they themselves did not do when they were young, and
affirm, too, that every good custom and way of life, every virtue and, in
short, all things imaginable are always going from bad to worse.
Baldesar Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier{London: Penguin Books, 1967
[1528]), p.107.
1. THE ARTS IN A MARKET ECONOMY
Does a market economy encourage or discourage music, literature, and the
visual arts? Do economic forces of supply and demand help or harm the
pursuit of creativity? I see commercial enterprise as encouraging cultural
production for the same reasons that non-pecuniary enjoyments tend to rise
in wealthier and more productive societies. This book will present some
social mechanisms that link markets, wealth, and creativity (chapter one),
examine how these mechanisms have operated throughout cultural history
(chapters two through five), and attempt to account for the widespread
perception that modernity suffers from a cultural malaise (the concluding
chapter five).
I seek to redress the current intellectual and popular balance and
encourage a more favorable attitude towards the commercialization of
culture that we associate with modernity. I portray the capitalist market
economy as a vital but underappreciated institutional framework for
supporting a plurality of coexisting artistic visions, providing a steady
stream of new and satisfying creations, helping consumers and artists
refine their tastes, and paying homage to the eclipsed past by capturing,
reproducing, and disseminating it.
In support of this view I will develop several related themes concerning
culture. First, I will contrast cultural optimism with some opposing
philosophies of cultural pessimism. Differing varieties of cultural
pessimism are found among conservatives, neo-conservatives, the Frankfurt
school, and some versions of the political correctness and multiculturalist
movements, as well as in the history of ideas more generally. The first
four chapters offer a critique of these views, and the final chapter offers
a deconstruction of them.
Second, I redefine the distinction between popular or "low" culture, and
"high" culture from a cultural optimist perspective. When viewed in longrun
terms, successful high culture usually comes out of a healthy and
prosperous popular culture. Forces for popular culture therefore serve as
forces supporting the eventual emergence of high culture as well. I also
question the common identification of quality culture with high culture,

and of popular culture with low-level or accessible culture. Shakespeare,
Mozart, and Beethoven thought of their work as popular, while much of
today's so-called popular culture is in fact a highly refined product which
appeals only to a distinct minority. Rather than trying to use aesthetic
criteria to order art works on a high/low spectrum, I examine how economic
incentives affect the artist's choice of audience. Poetry costs very little
to write, and therefore can appeal to minority tastes. Most movies, in
contrast, must cover their high capital costs by appealing to a larger
number of viewers.
Third, I focus on the role of markets and economic factors, including
technology, in influencing culture. I do not present a monocausal
materialist theory of culture, but I do outline some ways in which economic
forces have shaped Western art, literature, and music since the
Renaissance. Without dismissing the role of non-economic forces, I argue
that economic forces have had stronger effects on culture than is commonly
believed. The printing press paved the way for classical music, while
electricity led to rock and roll. For better or worse, artists are subject
to economic constraints, just as other businessmen are.
Fourth, I attempt to account for why the philosophy of cultural pessimism
has proven so persuasive and has attracted so many adherents. The fifth and
final chapter outlines a series of social mechanisms that help explain why
cultural pessimism has remained such a successful and popular philosophy.
For a variety of reasons discussed in that chapter, contemporary culture
tends to appear degenerate even when it is thriving. This deconstruction of
cultural pessimism does not prove the worth of contemporary creations, but
I do hope to encourage a more critical stance towards views that culture is
corrupt or declining.
DEFINITIONS: CAPITALISM AND THE MARKET ECONOMY
I define capitalism as a legal framework based on private property and
voluntary exchange; this framework supports an advanced system of commerce,
industry, technology, and markets. I take it for granted that capitalism
supports these institutions, and I focus on the more controversial question
of how culture will fare in such a world.
The word capitalism refers to the private ownership of capital goods that
is found under such a regime. I also use the term "market economy" to refer
more generally to a nexus of voluntary exchanges. Beethoven and
Michelangelo, who sold their artworks for a profit, were entrepreneurs and
capitalists. Rembrandt, who ran a studio and employed other artists, fits
the designation as well. I treat capitalism in terms of its underlying
economic logic, rather than in terms of a particular historical epoch, as
do many Marxists. Nonetheless I do not assume that capitalism has operated
in the same fashion across historical eras. In reality, different kinds of
markets (and states) have shaped the arts in radically different ways. The
greater ability of modern performers to reach large audiences has given
popular music a relative boost over classical music, for instance. The
declining financial power of the church lead to a diminution of interest in
religious art. Chapters two, three, and four will present numerous examples
of how cross-sectional variations in forms of capitalism have influenced
accompanying artistic productions.
I do not define capitalism in terms of a pure market model, as do many
libertarians. Historically capitalism and powerful states have risen hand-

in-hand; this connection will not be severed in foreseeable imaginable
future. I am concerned more with particular features of the capitalist
model than with the purity of market freedom. Specifically, I focus on the
following features, which I identify with our modern, commercialized
society: profit and fame incentives, decentralized financial support, the
possibility of financial independence for some artists, the entrepreneurial
discovery of new artistic technologies and media, and the ability to profit
by preserving the cultural creations of the past.
I do distinguish capitalism from societies whose wealth is based on
outright plunder, fortuitous discovery of a natural resource, tax haven
status, or other accidental features. These societies may develop wealth,
but they will not reap the full benefit of the mechanisms discussed below.
Stealing wealth, or lucking into wealth, typically will stimulate the
demand for culture, but unlike under capitalism, the supply capacity for
cultural production will not be favored as well. Artistic masterpieces
usually stem from favorable conditions on both the demand and supply sides
of the market, as will be illustrated by numerous examples throughout the
text.
I do not argue that capitalism is a monocausal or even a primary
determinant of artistic success. If Beethoven's parents had not met,
married, and slept together when they did, the market could not have
produced another Beethoven some other way. Pure, dumb luck is one of many
factors in cultural success. The greater cultural vitality of Renaissance
Florence than modern Singapore does not serve as a counterexample to my
thesis, even though Singapore is wealthier and arguably more capitalistic
as well. Singapore and Florence differ in many important regards, including
their cultural heritage, degree of government censorship, and intellectual
climate. Culture is a problem of joint production involving both economic
and non-economic forces; I am arguing that we should upgrade our estimate
of the efficacy of the market, not that the market is all-important.
Counterexamples to my version of cultural optimism arise to the extent that
cultural successes come about in spite of the market, and to the extent
that cultural failures come about because of the market. The text presents
a number of counterexamples, including the failure of the modern world to
support contemporary classical composers, the declining quality of the
bestseller lists, and the dubious quality of much of American television,
among many others. I view these counterexamples as real rather than
apparent, and I seek to explain them rather than to explain them away. An
optimistic perspective should not blind us to failures or hinder the
identification of the mechanisms that cause cultural markets to misfire.
It is obvious to most observers that new art faces significant obstacles in
a market economy. Large numbers of consumers are ignorant, poorly educated,
and sometimes even hostile to innovation. Many creators are confronted by
large corporate conglomerates that demand a proven track record or prior
contacts. Complex networks of retail distribution, advertising, and media
make some products profitable and others unprofitable, often without regard
for artistic quality. Art lovers, who revere aesthetic merit, often dislike
or resent market exchange for these reasons. No social system, however,
elevates "Goodness" to a deciding principle, whether the realm be art,
politics, or economics. Rather than comparing the market for art to a
Platonic alternative, I seek to uncover the social mechanisms that
encourage and discourage creative artistic achievement and therefore shed
light on the production of culture.

DEFINITIONS: CULTURE AND ART
I use the terms culture and art interchangeably to cover man-made artifacts
or performances which move us and expand our awareness of the world and of
ourselves. I have in mind painting, sculpture, music, film, architecture,
photography, theater, literature, and dance. What counts as culture is a
matter of degree; broadly, culture ought to broaden our horizons and help
us see the world in a new way. Culture stands above the concept of
entertainment, although good culture is often entertaining. I will devote
special attention to the visual arts, literature, and music, arguably the
three arts most central to the Western tradition. Each of these topics
receives a chapter of its own. These arts come closest to providing a
common knowledge base and they have provided the primary field of debate
for the economics of the arts.
No single book can consider artistic production as a whole. Furthermore,
the question "What is art?" has become increasingly less fruitful with the
growing diversity of production. Numerous quasi-artistic activities hold a
blurred, in-between status.
Fashion, decoration, cuisine, sports, product design, computer graphics,
and commercial art - to name just a few examples - bring beauty and drama
into our lives. Even if these genres do not fit a narrow definition of art
they nonetheless stimulate our aesthetic sense. Most of these genres have
met with great success in the contemporary world, but I do not address
those topics directly in this book. I hope to show some illustrative
factors in the history of the major arts, rather than cover each and every
cultural episode.
In addition, I focus on Western culture, although I am currently working on
a more systematic treatment of non-Western, tribal, and indigenous
cultures, which I will present in future writings. Some foreign cultures
appear to provide counter-examples to the view that markets benefit the
arts. Haiti, for instance, has produced much painting and music of note,
despite being the poorest country in the Western hemisphere. My preliminary
research indicates two conclusions, which I will only mention here. First,
some of the mechanisms regulating artistic success may differ in countries
with very small degrees of division of labor, both in consumption and
production. To that extent the arguments of this book do not hold in all
circumstances. Second, many non-Western arts have relied more heavily on
markets and wealth than it may first appear. The market for Haitian Naive
paintings, for instance, has been driven largely by tourists from
wealthier, capitalist countries. Much of the growth in third world arts,
musics, and literatures has been supported by modernization, growing
wealth, and cultural exchange. A more complete approach to the matter must,
however, await future research and writing.
What is good culture?
The case for cultural optimism relies partly on judgments about the quality
of contemporary cultural creations. Skeptics who dislike all contemporary
culture usually cannot be convinced to weaken their pessimism. Cultural
assessments contain an irreducibly subjective component and for this reason
it is not possible to present a knockdown argument for (or against)
cultural optimism. Rather than tackling cultural pessimism head on, I
attempt to chip away at its plausibility, while keeping debate over the
quality of particular artworks from dominating the analysis. My approach to
cultural pessimism runs as follows. First, this opening chapter presents a
number of social mechanisms through which a healthy, growing economy tends
to support cultural creativity. While these mechanisms do not prove the

intrinsic aesthetic worth of any particular creations, they do weaken the
expectation that commerce should corrupt culture. Second, the three
subsequent empirical chapters will outline the successful operation of
these mechanisms in the past, and will show that criticisms of contemporary
culture resemble the criticisms leveled at past masterworks. Finally, the
text will discuss some particular developments in our contemporary culture
which I see as healthy and creative. The discussions of contemporary
culture will entail both a value-neutral aspect and a value-laden aspect.
The value-neutral aspect attempts to show that market wealth supports
creative artworks of many different kinds, appealing to many different
tastes. My favored variety of aesthetic pluralism admits the validity of
contrasting perspectives on culture, values diversity, and recognizes the
ultimate incommensurability of many artistic values. Orson Welles argued
for the supremacy of consumer opinion in judging aesthetic value. He once
said: "We must not forget the audience. The audience votes by buying
tickets. An audience is more intelligent than the individuals who create
their entertainment. I can think of *nothing* that an audience won't
understand. The only problem is to interest them. Once they are interested,
they understand anything in the world. That must be in the feeling of the
moviemaker."
Harold Bloom advocates a different point of view. He considers the true
masterpieces of the Western canon to be inaccessible to most readers.
Culture, Bloom's substitute for religion, requires a Gnostic rather than
Catholic view of the truth. Only those who read, reread, and study the
classic works can hope to unlock their secrets. A work easily accessible on
first reading is unlikely to be truly great. The best writers know far more
than their audiences, who are wrongly tempted to dismiss Finnegans Wake as
nonsense. The elitist venture of criticism can proceed without much regard
for the preferences of the audience. Rather than attempting to adjudicate
between these two provocative perspectives, the value-neutral aspect of my
analysis considers the ability of capitalism to support each kind of art.
The market brings crowd-pleasing artists, such as Michael Jackson or Steven
Spielberg, in touch with their audiences, while at the same time securing
niches for more obscure visions, such as those of James Joyce or Charles
Ives. The categories commonly labeled high and low art often are
complements rather than alternatives that we must choose between. The
value-neutral approach to cultural evaluation also stresses how the wealth,
commercialization, and technology of the modern world provide the means and
the incentives to preserve past culture. Cultural optimism does not suggest
that any modern playwright is the superior or even the equal of William
Shakespeare. It will never be the case that our favorite works, or the very
best works, all were produced just yesterday (see chapter five for more on
this point). Rather, cultural optimism receives some of its support from
the unparalleled ability of the modern world to preserve, maintain,
disseminate, and interpret past masterworks by the likes of Shakespeare,
Mozart, Monet, and many others. Artistic preservation and dissemination are
supported by market mechanisms, just as artistic creativity is.
Artistic production is not a once-and-for-all event, but rather is an
ongoing process, often stretching over centuries, and requiring continued
societal cooperation. William Hazlitt wrote a famous essay - "Why the Arts
are not Progressive - A Fragment" - that has been cited against the idea of
cultural progress. Hazlitt argued correctly that the arts do not experience
progress in the same manner that the natural sciences do. In the arts,
later inventions do not typically render earlier inventions obsolete. To
give a modern example, we cannot establish that Garcia Marquez is
objectively "better" or "worse" than Charles Dickens. I do not, however,
accept Hazlitt's total rejection of the idea of cultural progress. Today's
art consumers enjoy more choice and greater diversity than ever before.
Regardless of how aesthetic philosophy judges Garcia Marquez vs. Dickens,
modern readers can now enjoy both for a pittance.

Market exchange and capitalism produce diverse art, rather than art that
appeals to one particular set of tastes. Mid-to- late twentieth century
Western culture, although a favorite target of many critics, will go down
in history as a fabulously creative and fertile epoch. The culture of our
era has produced lasting achievements in cinema, rhythm and blues, rock and
roll, Abstract Expressionism, Pop Art, architecture, dance, graphic and
commercial design, fashion, jazz, the proliferation of classical, early
music, and "original instrument" recordings, the short story, Latin
American fiction, genre fiction, and the biography, to name but a few
examples. These genres have offered a wide variety of styles, aesthetics,
and moods. An individual need not have a very particular set of tastes to
love contemporary creations. The second part of the book's aesthetic
argument requires a greater role for subjective judgments about artistic
value. Are Jasper Johns, Steven Spielberg, Karlheinz Stockhausen, and the
Beatles frauds, mediocrities, or geniuses? Dare we go one step further and
ask the same question about even more controversial (and lesser known)
figures, such as Robert Gober, John Woo, Robert Ashley, and My Bloody
Valentine? Although I am not providing a treatise on aesthetics, I do,
throughout the chapters, raise the possibility that these artists and
others are in fact notable masters who will last the ages. The three
chapters on art, literature, and music suggest that the contemporary world
has produced a very large number of excellent creators and works. I do not,
and cannot, provide knockdown arguments for these aesthetic views, but I
hope that the book as a whole will persuade the reader to take a closer
look at these and other artists. Despite the subjective component behind
these judgments, I try to persuade the reader to see widespread support for
the cultural optimist vision, as I do.
The tastes and recommendations which comprise the value-laden part of the
argument will appear odd or idiosyncratic to some readers. Nonetheless I
have deliberately tried to restrict myself to figures and works which have
already achieved recognition from the specialists in their fields. Most
lovers of Mozart and Haydn react with skepticism or disagreement when
Ashley, Feldman, Scelsi, and Glass are cited as notable composers of our
age. Yet the highly respected Fanfare, a journal of music reviewing,
promotes precisely these names and rejects the notion that music
composition is dead, as do I. Observers tend to be cultural optimists in
areas where they specialize, and cultural pessimists when they serve as
outsiders or general critics, for reasons to be discussed in chapter five.
The cultural optimist position does not seek to make the achievements of
modern creators commensurable with the achievements of the greats of the
past, just as we cannot rank Dickens and Marquez, or ascertain whether five
or ten Beatles songs might add up in value to one Haydn string quartet. It
can be said, however, that modern creators have offered the world a large
variety of deep and lasting creations, which are universal in their scope
and significant in their import. These creations delight and enrich large
numbers of intelligent listeners, and continue to influence subsequent
artists. We can expect many modern and contemporary works to stand the test
of time, and indeed many have already stood a test of time. Alfred
Hitchcock, once considered a purely commercial filmmaker for the masses,
now is revered as an artistic genius by audiences, film critics, and other
movie directors. We can expect many more recent creators to pass the test
of time in a similar manner.
CULTURAL PESSIMISM AND OPTIMISM
One significant class of critics, whom I call the cultural pessimists, take
a strongly negative view of modernity and of market exchange. They
typically believe that the market economy corrupts culture. The modern age
is often compared unfavorably to some earlier time, such as the classical

period, the Enlightenment, the nineteenth century, or even the early
twentieth century. T. S. Eliot exemplified the pessimistic view when he
wrote: "We can assert with some confidence that our own period is one of
decline; that the standards of culture are lower than they were fifty years
ago; and that the evidences of this decline are visible in every department
of human activity." Cultural pessimism comes from various points along the
political spectrum and transcend traditional left-wing/right-wing
distinctions. Its roots, in intellectual history, include Plato, Augustine,
Rousseau, Pope, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Spengler.
Cultural pessimism received its most explicit statement in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, in the so-called "Battle of the Books." In these
debates, William Temple, Jonathan Swift and others argued that modern
writings and achievements were inferior to those of antiquity. The
following chapters, and chapter five, cover the intellectual history of
cultural pessimism in greater detail. In the contemporary scene, however,
various forms of cultural pessimism exert wide intellectual influence. Neoconservative
intellectuals, such as Daniel Bell and Irving Kristol, have
questioned whether a market economy supports healthy artistic tendencies.
Bell, for instance, favors artistic modernism but views it as exhausted and
superseded by less constructive movements. Allan Bloom, in his Closing of
the American Mind, provides a Straussian slant on cultural pessimism. Bloom
blames left-wing academics, youth culture, and the philosophy of moral
relativism for our supposed cultural malaise. In the American political
realm the new religious Right and Republican right have attacked the moral
values exhibited by contemporary culture. Nationalist parties in Europe
have criticized the loss of cultural unity brought by a market economy.
The pessimism of the neo-conservatives often extends beyond culture in the
narrow sense. Many neo-conservatives believe that Western civilization is
collapsing under a plague of permissiveness, crime, loss of community, and
related ailments. Robert Bork, in his latest book Slouching Towards
Gomorrah, provides an extreme statement of this view. The supposedly sorry
state of the modern arts is both a cause and reflection of the deeper
plight of modernity. As I consider cultural pessimism, however, I focus
only on the charges about culture in the narrower sense of artistic
production. Neo-Marxists and critics of mass culture, including the
Frankfurt School, also adhere to largely pessimistic views. Max Horkheimer,
Theodor Adorno, and Herbert Marcuse, among many others, believe that market
exchange damages the quality of cultural production. The commodification of
culture stifles our critical faculties, induces alienation, degrades
artworks, and protects the capitalist system against internal challenges.
Adorno advocates atonal music, and regards jazz and rock and roll as
abominable corruptions. Frankfurt School writers tend to dislike popular
culture, which they perceive as hostile to the project of a society built
on modernist reason. Jorgen Habermas, also associated with the Frankfurt
School, stakes out a positive position on modernity but holds unsympathetic
attitudes towards the culture of capitalism. On one hand, Habermas views
modernity as explicitly progressive, as did Marx. Habermas believes in the
utopian potential of modernity, based on objective reason and the
Enlightenment project of a good society. On the other hand, Habermas is
highly critical of modernity as we experience it in contemporary capitalist
society. He sees Western reason, when combined with capitalism, technology,
and the media, as a force of domination rather than a force of liberation
or free expression. Critical social theory is needed to reform
communicative discourse and bring about a more fully progressive modernity.
Habermas sees the market as hindering rather than aiding critical
communication.
Many neo-liberal writers echo the concerns of the Frankfurt School,
although they do not accept Marxist solutions. Neil Postman emphasizes how
modern technology and media corrupt our culture. The title of Herbert

Schiller's book summarizes the views of many: Culture, Inc.: The Corporate
Takeover of Public Expression. Pierre Bourdieu, one of the leading
sociologists of culture, argues against the corporate control of culture
that he associates with a market economy. Even the mainstream American case
for liberal social democracy portrays capitalism as an uneasy ally of
culture, at best. The political correctness movement often identifies
market culture with the suppression of women and minorities. Puritan
feminist Catherine McKinnon, in her book Only Words, argues that sexually
explicit literature and art create harm and should be banned. Some branches
of multiculturalist thought argue that free cultural exchange leads to
cultural homogenization and a culture of the least common denominator.
Marshall McLuhan raised the specter of a "global village," in which we all
consume the same products. In the political realm we find cultural
protectionism practiced around the world.
Many left-wing "cultural studies" scholars stake out a mixed position.
These individuals tend to look sympathetically on modern popular culture
but they dislike capitalism and the forces of the market. Frederic Jameson
exemplifies these attitudes. He describes himself as a "relatively
enthusiastic consumer of postmodernism," but he also promises us that
central planning someday will return in superior form. Only then will our
culture become a "project" to be planned by free individuals. Writers from
the British Birmingham school (e.g., Richard Hoggart, Raymond Williams,
Stuart Hall) tend to reject the distinction between high and low culture
and they propose a unified methodological approach to the two. Like much of
the cultural studies movement, writers in that tradition have helped
legitimize popular culture and have shown sympathy for cultural optimism.
Unlike the Frankfurt School, Birmingham writers see popular culture as
containing liberating influences against otherwise elitist capitalist
structures. When it comes to the market, however, the Birmingham school
uses neo-Marxist economic analysis and emphasizes mechanisms of hegemony,
rather than innovation and freedom of expression. Finally, to conclude this
discussion of sources, cultural pessimism is by no means an exclusively
intellectual phenomenon. The final chapter of this book examines the
criticisms of contemporary culture coming from parents, churches, artists
themselves, and other sources.
Cultural optimism
The cultural optimists are a less prominent group in intellectual history
than the pessimists. Cultural optimism nonetheless has attracted a number
of prominent defenders in the history of ideas. Charles Perrault, a
seventeenth-century French believer in cultural progress, wrote Mother
Goose and other tales in a deliberate attempt to match Aesop's Fables.
Baldesar Castiglione defended cultural progress in his The Book of the
Courtier. He argued that the modern age (1478-1529 for him) compared
favorably to the world of the ancients. Samuel Johnson, an eighteenthcentury
English writer defended the civilizing aspects of books,printing,
and commercial bookselling. Jean Antoine Condorcet, a classical liberal
Girondist and victim of the French Revolution, argued that human reason
provides a strong impetus for cultural progress.
We find at least three versions of the cultural optimist position in the
history of ideas. The first view suggests that the arts tend to flourish in
a modern liberal order (today, democratic capitalism, although not all the
cultural optimists of the past were democrats). I promote that position in
this book. This view does not predict that any single geographic area
necessarily produces great culture in a particular genre. As discussed
above, artistic creativity is highly contingent upon many factors,
including luck. Nonetheless the world as a whole is highly diverse and we
can expect a flourishing of creativity in the aggregate. Bad luck or
intervening causes may influence a specific culture for the worse, but

cultural optimism nonetheless suggests that a preponderance of factors
favor positive outcomes for the free world as a whole.
The second version of cultural optimism goes further and makes the
political prediction that a liberal order will remain prominent for many
years to come. I have sympathies for this view as well, but it lies beyond
the purview of this book (in its defense, see Francis Fukayama, The End of
History.) The third version of cultural optimism argues that the arts will
flourish precisely because capitalism is doomed and will be replaced by a
superior system, such as socialism or communism. This is the classic
Marxian statement of cultural optimism, which I reject.
My favored version of cultural optimism draws upon a wide variety of
contemporary writers, many of whom work outside a purely academic context.
Camille Paglia defends the Rolling Stones and Hollywood cinema as
artistically vital forces in the modern world. She even writes favorably
about how capitalist wealth has stimulated artistic production. Robert
Pattison's The Triumph of Vulgarity, takes the supposed aesthetic defects
of rock and roll and interprets them as virtues; his book On Literacy
argues that literacy has been increasing over time, rather than decreasing.
Herbert Gans, in his Popular Culture and High Culture, praises popular
culture and argues that modernity has produced increasing diversity of
culture. Cultural studies theorist Paul Willis, in his Common Culture,
praises the "symbolic creativity" of capitalist consumerism. Nelson George,
well-known author and critic for the Village Voice, defends rap music and
argues the importance of "black capitalism" for contemporary music. Wendy
Steiner, in her The Scandal of Pleasure, defends contemporary culture and
the autonomy of art against moralizing critics, from both left and right.
William Grampp, economist and author of Pricing the Priceless, argues that
artistic production is not necessarily subject to market failure. Terence
Kealey's The Economic Laws of Scientific Research deals with science rather
than culture, but makes analogous arguments about the benefits of commerce.
Alvin Toffler, in his early The Culture Consumers, chronicled the growth of
art and culture in America; his later book The Third Wave writes of the
tendency of mass media to decline in the face of decentralized competitive
forces. The postmodern theorists, while they do not necessarily hold
optimistic attitudes towards either culture or capitalism, have
insightfully analyzed the forces behind the proliferation of cultures in a
market economy and the breakdown of absolutist cultural standards.
I proceed by considering how markets influence artistic creation. Material
wealth helps relax external constraints on internal artistic creativity,
motivates artists to reach new heights, and enables a diversity of artistic
forms and styles to flourish. I then turn to high and low culture. The same
forces that encourage artistic production for the market also help explain
why high and low culture have split. A brief overview of each subsequent
chapter is offered at the very end of this introductory chapter.
SOCIAL MECHANISMS FOR CULTURE:
HOW WEALTH SUPPORTS HIGHER AESTHETIC GOALS
Art markets consist of artists, consumers, and middlemen, or distributors.
Artists work to achieve self-fulfillment, fame, and riches. The complex
motivations behind artistic creation include love of the beautiful, love of
money, love of fame, personal arrogance, and inner compulsions. Creators
hold strong desires to be heard and witnessed. Sir Joshua Reynolds, in his
Discourses on Art, pronounced that "The highest ambition of every Artist is

to be thought a man of Genius." More generally, I treat artists as pursuing
a complex mix of pecuniary and non-pecuniary returns.
Consumers and patrons stand as the artist's silent partners. We support
creators with our money, our time, our emotions, and our approbation. We
discover subtle nuances in their work which the artists had not noticed or
consciously intended. Inspired consumption is a creative act which further
enriches the viewer and the work itself. Art works provoke us to reexamine
or reaffirm what we think and feel, and consumer and patron demands for
artworks finance the market. Distributors bring together producer and
consumer, whether the product be beauty soap, bread, or Beethoven. The
resultant meeting of supply and demand fuels the creative drive and
disseminates its results. Neither producers nor consumers of art can
flourish without the other side of the market. No distributor can profit
without attracting both artists and consumers.
The interactions between producers, consumers, and distributors provide the
basic setting for the analysis of this book. Creators respond to both
internal and external forces. Internal forces include the artist's love of
creating, demands for money and fame, and the desire to work out styles,
aesthetics, and problems posed by previous works. External forces include
the artistic materials and media available, the conditions of patronage,
the distribution network, and opportunities for earning income. When
translated into the terminology of economics or rational choice theory, the
internal forces correspond to preferences and external forces represent
opportunities and constraints. These internal and external forces interact
to shape artistic production.
Psychological motivations, though a driving force behind many great
artworks, do not operate in a vacuum, independent of external constraints.
Economic circumstances influence the ability of artists to express their
aesthetic aspirations. Specifically, artistic independence requires
financial independence and a strong commercial market. Beethoven wrote: "I
am not out to be a musical usurer as you think, who writes only to become
rich, by no means! Yet, I love an independent life, and this I cannot have
without a small income."
Capitalism generates the wealth that enables individuals to support
themselves through art. The artistic professions, a relatively recent
development in human history, flourish with economic growth. Increasing
levels of wealth and comfort have freed creative individuals from tiresome
physical labor and have supplied them with the means to pursue their
flights of fancy. Wealthy societies usually consume the greatest quantities
of non-pecuniary enjoyments. The ability of wealth to fulfill our basic
physical needs elevates our goals and our interest in the aesthetic. In
accord with this mechanism, the number of individuals who can support
themselves as full-time creators has risen steadily for centuries. Perhaps
ironically, the market economy increases the independence of the artist
from the immediate demands of the culture- consuming public. Capitalism
funds alternative sources of financial support, allowing artists to invest
in skills, undertake long-term projects, pursue the internal logic of their
chosen genre or niche, and develop their marketing abilities. A commercial
society is a prosperous and comfortable society, and offers a rich variety
of niches in which artists can find the means to satisfy their creative
desires.
Many artists cannot make a living from their craft, and require external
sources of financial support. Contrary to many other commentators, I do not
interpret this as a sign of market failure. Art markets sometimes fail to
recognize the merits of great creators, but a wealthy economy, taken as a
whole, is more robust to that kind of failure in judgment than is a poor

economy. A wealthy economy gives artists a greater number of other sources
of potential financial support. Private foundations, universities, bequests
from wealthy relatives, and ordinary jobs, that bane of the artistic
impulse, all have supported budding creators. Jane Austen lived from the
wealth of her family, T. S. Eliot worked in Lloyd's bank, James Joyce
taught languages, Paul Gauguin accumulated a financial cushion through his
work as a stock broker, Charles Ives was an insurance executive, Vincent
van Gogh received support from his brother, William Faulkner worked in a
power plant and later as a Hollywood screenwriter, Philip Glass drove a
taxi in New York City. William Carlos Williams worked as a physician in
Rutherford, New Jersey, and wrote poetry between the visits of his
patients. Wallace Stevens, the American poet, pursued a full-time career in
the insurance industry. "He was a very imaginative claims man," noted one
former colleague. When offered an endowed chair to teach and write poetry
at Harvard University, Stevens declined. He preferred insurance work to
lecturing and did not wish to sacrifice his position in the firm. At one
point a co-worker accused Stevens of working on his poetry during company
time. He replied: "I'm thinking about surety problems Saturdays and Sundays
when I'm strolling through Elizabeth Park, so it all evens out."
Parents and elderly relations have financed many an anti- establishment
cultural revolution. Most of the leading French artists of the nineteenth
century lived off family funds - usually generated by mercantile activity -
for at least part of their careers. The list includes Delacroix, Corot,
Courbet, Seurat, Degas, Manet, Monet, Cezanne, Toulouse-Lautrec, and
Moreau. French writers Charles Baudelaire, Paul Verlaine, Gustave Flaubert
went even further in their anti-establishment attitudes, again at their
parents' expense. Even the most seclusive artists sometimes rely furtively
on capitalist wealth. Marcel Proust sequestered himself in a cork-lined
room to write, covering himself in blankets and venturing outside no more
than fifteen minutes a day. Yet he relied on his family's wealth, obtained
through the Parisian stock exchange. Paul Gauguin, who left the French art
world for the tropical island of Tahiti, did so knowing that his pictures
would appreciate in value in his absence, allowing for a triumphal return.
Gauguin never ceased his tireless self-promotion, and during his Pacific
stays he constantly monitored the value of his pictures in France.
Wealth and financial security give artists the scope to reject societal
values. The bohemian, the avant-garde, and the nihilist are all products of
capitalism. They have pursued forms of liberty and inventiveness that are
unique to the modern world.
Pecuniary incentives
Many artists reject the bohemian lifestyle and pursue profits. The artists
of the Italian Renaissance were businessmen first and foremost. They
produced for profit, wrote commercial contracts, and did not hesitate to
walk away from a job if the remuneration was not sufficient. Renaissance
sculptor Benvenuto Cellini, in his autobiography, remarked that "You poor
idiots, I'm a poor goldsmith, and I work for anyone who pays me." Bach,
Mozart, Haydn, and Beethoven were all obsessed with
earning money through their art, as a reading of their letters reveals.
Mozart even wrote: "Believe me, my sole purpose is to make as much money as
possible; for after good health it is the best thing to have." When
accepting an Academy Award in 1972, Charlie Chaplin remarked: "I went into
the business for money and the art grew out of it. If people are
disillusioned by that remark, I can't help it. It's the truth." The massive
pecuniary rewards available to the most successful creators encourage many
individuals to try their hand at entering the market. Profits signal where
the artist finds the largest and most enthusiastic audience. British "punk

violinist" Nigel Kennedy has written: "I think if you're playing music or
doing art you can in some way measure the amount of communication you are
achieving by how much money it is bringing in for you and for those around
you." Creators desiring to communicate a message to others thus pay heed to
market earnings, even if they have little intrinsic interest in material
riches. The millions earned by Prince and Bruce Springsteen indicate how
successfully they have spread their influence.
Beethoven cared about money as a means of helping others. When approached
by a friend in need, he sometimes composed for money: "I have only to sit
down at my desk and in a short time help for him is forthcoming." Money, as
a general medium of exchange, serves many different ends, not just greedy
or materialistic ones.
Funding artistic materials
Artists who chase profits are not always accumulating wealth for its own
sake. An artist's income allows him or her to purchase the necessary
materials for artistic creation. Budding sculptors must pay for bronze,
aluminum, and stone. Writers wish to travel for ideas and background, and
musicians need studio time. J.S. Bach used his outside income, obtained
from playing at weddings and funerals, to buy himself out of his commitment
to teach Latin, so that he would have more time to compose. Robert Townsend
produced the hit film "Hollywood Shuffle" by selling the use of his credit
cards to his friends. Money is a means to the ends of creative expression
and artistic communication. Capitalist wealth supports the accouterments of
artistic production. Elizabethan theaters, the venue for Shakespeare's
plays, were run for profit and funded from ticket receipts. For the first
time in English history, the theater employed full-time professional
actors, production companies, and playwrights. Buildings were designed
specifically for dramatic productions. Shakespeare, who wrote for money,
earned a good living as an actor and playwright. Pianos, violins,
synthesizers, and mixers have all been falling in price, relative to
general inflation, since their invention. With the advent of the home
camcorder, even rudimentary movie-making is now widely available.
Photography blossomed in the late nineteenth century with technological
innovations. Equipment fell drastically in price and developing pictures
became much easier. Photographers suddenly were able to work with hand
cameras, and no longer needed to process pictures immediately after they
were taken. Photographic equipment no longer weighed fifty to seventy
pounds, and the expense of maintaining a traveling darkroom was removed.
Falling prices for materials paper have made the arts affordable to
millions of enthusiasts and would-be professionals. In previous eras, even
paper was costly, limiting the development of both writing and drawing
skills to relatively well-off families. Vincent van Gogh, an ascetic loner
who ignored public taste, could not have managed his very poor lifestyle at
an earlier time in history. His nonconformism was possible because
technological progress had lowered the costs of paints and canvas and
enabled him to persist as an artist. Female artists, like Berthe Morisot
and Mary Cassatt, also took advantage of falling materials costs to move
into the market. In the late nineteenth century women suddenly could paint
in their spare time without having to spend exorbitant sums on materials.
Artistic willpower became more important than external financial support.
This shift gave victims of discrimination greater access to the art world.
The presence of women in the visual arts, literature, and music has risen
steadily as capitalism has advanced.
Falling materials costs help explain why art has been able to move away
from popular taste in the twentieth century. In the early history of art,
paint and materials were very expensive; artists were constrained by the

need to generate immediate commissions and sales. When these costs fell,
artists aimed more at innovation and personal expression, and less at
pleasing buyers and critics. Modern art became possible. The Impressionists
did not require immediate acceptance from the French Salon, and the
Abstract Expressionists could continue even when Peggy Guggenheim was their
only buyer.
The artist's own health and well-being, a form of "human capital," provides
an especially important asset. Modernity has improved the health and
lengthened the lives of artists. John Keats would not have died at age 26
of tuberculosis with access to modern medicine. Paula Modersohn-Becker, one
of the most talented painters Germany has produced, died from complications
following childbirth, at the age of 31. Mozart, Schubert, Emily Broennte,
and many others who never even made their start also count as medical
tragedies who would have survived in the modern era. The ability of a
wealthy society to support life for greater numbers of people, compared to
pre-modern societies, has provided significant stimulus to both the supply
and demand sides of art markets.
Most advances in health and life expectancy have come quite recently. In
the United States of 1855, one of the wealthiest and healthiest countries
in the world at that time, a newly born male child could expect no more
than 39 years of life. Yet many of the greatest composers, writers, and
painters will peak well after their fortieth year. Birth control
technologies, generally available only for the last few decades, have given
female creators greater control over their lives and domestic conditions.
Most of the renowned female painters of the past, for various intentional
or accidental reasons, had either few children or no children at all. Child
bearing responsibilities kept most women out of the art world. Today,
budding female artists can exercise far greater control over whether and
when they wish to have children. The increasing prominence of women in
music, literature, and the visual arts provides one of the most compelling
arguments for cultural optimism. For much of human history, at least half
of the human race has been shut out from many prominent artistic forms, and
women are only beginning to redress the balance.
Do the arts lag in productivity?
William Baumol and William Bowen, two economists who have analyzed the
performing arts, believe that economic growth imposes a "cost disease" on
artistic production. They claim that rising productivity causes the arts to
increase in relative cost, as a share of national income. The arts
supposedly do not enjoy the benefits of technical progress to equal degree.
It took forty minutes to produce a Mozart string quartet in 1780, and still
takes forty minutes today. As wages rise in the economy, the relative cost
of supporting the arts will increase, according to this hypothesis.
Contrary to Baumol and Bowen, the evidence presented in this book suggests
that the arts benefit greatly from technological progress. The printing
press, innovations in paper production, and now the World Wide Web have
increased the availability of the written word. The French Impressionists
drew their new colors from innovations in the chemical industry. Recording
and radio, both capital technologies, have improved the productivity of the
symphony orchestra. Symphonic productions now reach millions of listeners
more easily than ever before. These technological improvements are not
once-and-for-all events that only postpone the onset of the cost disease.
Rather, technological progress benefits the arts in an ongoing and
cumulative fashion.
The cost disease argument neglects other beneficial aspects of economic
growth. The arts benefit more from technological advances than it may at

first appear. Production of a symphonic concert, for instance, involves
more than sitting an orchestra in a room and having them play Shostakovich.
The players must discover each other's existence, maintain their health and
mental composure, arrange transportation for rehearsals and concerts, and
receive quality feedback from critics and teachers. In each of these
regards the modern world vastly surpasses the productivity of earlier
times, largely because of technological advances. Other productivity
advances arise from new ideas. A string quartet in 1800 could play Mozart,
but a string quartet today can play Brahms, Bartok, Shostakovich, and Jimi
Hendrix as well.
Creativity - a form of human capital - pervades cultural industries. Most
productivity improvements, whether in the arts or not, come from human
creativity, the "performing art" of the scientist, engineer, or inventor.
Our entertainment and leisure industries have generated productivity
increases that would put many computer companies or engineering firms to
shame.
MECHANISMS IN SUPPORT OF ARTISTIC DIVERSITY
Well-developed markets support cultural diversity. A quick walk through any
compact disc or book superstore belies the view that today's musical and
literary tastes are becoming increasingly homogeneous. Retail outlets use
product selection and diversity as primary strategies for bringing
consumers through the door. Even items which do not turn a direct profit
will help attract business and store visits, thereby supporting the ability
of the business to offer a wide variety of products. The successive
relaxation of external constraints on internal creativity tends to give
rise to a wide gamut of emotions and styles. Contemporary culture has
proved itself optimistic, celebratory, and life-affirming. Buddy Holly, the
skyscraper, Howard Hodgkin, and Steven Spielberg's Close Encounters of the
Third Kind show positive cultural forces with great vigor. Hank Williams,
Isaac Bashevis Singer, and Ingmar Bergman's Persona depict a sadder, more
shattering aesthetic, although not without the possibility of redemption.
And for a dark and ecstatic experience we are drawn to the works of Mark
Rothko. Depravity and excess, exquisitely executed, can be found in Robert
Mapplethorpe, the Sex Pistols, and Bertolucci's Last Tango in Paris.
The available variety of artistic products should come as no surprise. Adam
Smith emphasized that the division of labor, and thus the degree of
specialization, is limited by the extent of the market. In the case of art,
a large market lowers the costs of creative pursuits and makes market
niches easier to find. In the contrary case of a single patron, the artist
must meet the tastes of that patron or earn no income. Growing markets in
music, literature, and the fine arts have moved creators away from
dependence on patronage. A patron, as opposed to a customer, supports an
artist with his or her own money, without necessarily purchasing the
artistic output. Samuel Johnson, writing in the eighteenth century,
referred to a patron as "a wretch who supports with insolence, and is paid
with flattery." Even Johnson, however, did not believe that patrons were
intrinsically bad; the problem arises only when artists are completely
dependent upon a single patron. Patronage relationships, which today stand
at an all-time high, have become more beneficial to artistic creativity
over time. The size and diversity of modern funding sources gives artists
bargaining power to create space for their creative freedom. Growth of the
market has liberated artists, not only from the patron, but also from the
potential tyranny of mainstream market taste. Unlike in the eighteenth
century, today's books need not top the bestseller list to remunerate their
authors handsomely. Artists who believe that they know better than the

crowd can indulge their own tastes and lead fashion. Today it is easier
than ever before to make a living by marketing to an artistic niche and
rejecting mainstream taste. The wealth and diversity of capitalism have
increased the latitude of artists to educate their critics and audiences.
Starting in the late nineteenth century, many painters deliberately refused
to produce works that were easily accessible to viewers. At first Manet,
Monet, and Cezanne shocked the art world with their paintings but
eventually they converted it. The financial support they received from
their families and customers was crucial to this struggle. The twentieth
century American Pop artists, such as Andy Warhol, Roy Lichtenstein, Robert
Rauschenberg, and Jasper Johns, also made initial sacrifices to elevate our
tastes. Today we enjoy their brilliant pictures while taking the onceshocking
approach for granted.
In the realm of culture, market mechanisms do more than simply give
consumers what they want. Markets give the producer the greatest latitude
to educate his or her audience. Art consists of a continual dialogue
between producer and consumer; this dialogue helps both parties decide what
they want. The market incentive to conclude a profitable sale
simultaneously provides an incentive to engage consumers and producers in a
process of want refinement. Economic growth increases our ability to
develop sophisticated and specialized tastes.
Many commentators, such as Joergen Habermas, see the development of
"critical theory" as vital to the reform of social and individual wants.
Habermas's critical theorist stands outside the market order and attempts
to deconstruct and dehegemonize the presuppositions upon which modern
society is based. Rational communicative discourse, and want refinement,
provides a key to his philosophy. I differ from Habermas in terms of how I
conceive the cultural discovery process. Rather than seeing communicative
reason as a project which stands outside and evaluates the market, I
conceive of communicative reason within a concrete institutional framework
with market incentives and property rights. Habermas wishes to step outside
of that framework to direct culture from above by reason and clear
communication. I see his "pure speech community" as a Platonic myth, and
instead place greater emphasis on the competition of contrasting notions of
cultural reason within regimes ruled by incentives.
Competition and complementarity are forces for innovation. Artists offer
new products to increase their income, their fame, and their audience
exposure. They seek to avoid duplicating older media and styles, which
become played out and filled with previous achievements. Picasso had the
talent to master many styles, but won greater accolades with his
innovations than he would have achieved by copying the French
Impressionists.
Rather than safely performing Haydn and Beethoven, four young talented
performers decided to become the Kronos Quartet, and to perform music by
Glass, Riley, and African music. As a leader in a new line of production,
the quartet has earned especially high profits. The Arditti Quartet has not
earned the profits of Kronos, but nonetheless has staked out its position
as preeminent string quartet for contemporary chamber music. Innovation
enables artists to overcome their fear of being compared to previous
giants. A century of German and Austrian musicians - Schumann, Schubert,
Brahms, and Bruckner - dreaded comparison with Beethoven and pursued new
directions. Brahms avoided composing symphonies for many years, instead
writing songs and vocal ensembles. These works surpassed Beethoven's vocal
music. Later Brahms turned to symphonies when his skills were up to the
task. Brahms had once written: "You don't know what it is like always to
hear that giant marching along behind me." Beethoven refused to hear the

operas of Mozart for this reason, but even Beethoven could not escape being
intimidated by his own achievements. Rather than finishing a tenth
symphony, which might have paled in comparison to his ninth, he wrote his
innovative late string quartets.
Walter Jackson Bate coined the phrase The Burden of the Past. Harold Bloom
produced a theory of poetry based on The Anxiety of Influence. In another
book, A Map of Misreading, Bloom suggests another response to the past -
deliberate misunderstanding of previous contributions. These tactics allow
artists to overcome the quantity and quality of accumulated past
masterworks. Creators sometimes respond to past masterworks with emulation
rather than with product differentiation. The Impressionist painters saw
many of their innovations with sharp colors, flatness of field, and
verticality of perspective in Japanese woodblock prints. They responded by
collecting and promoting such prints; Mary Cassatt even copied the style
literally. Similarly, the Rolling Stones were encouraged by the possibility
of following in the footsteps of Muddy Waters, not scared off. Raphael
favored the preservation of antiquities to "keep alive the examples of the
ancients so as to equal and surpass them."
Many of the newest cultural permutations emulate the very old and the
sometimes forgotten. Tribal or "primitive" modes of art have exercised a
strong influence throughout our century. Picasso took much inspiration from
African masks, Brancusi and Modigliani drew upon Cycladic art, the
Surrealists looked to the South Pacific, and Art Deco was influenced by the
Mayan Temple. Both rock-and-rollers and contemporary "classical" composers
explore originally African rhythmic traditions.
Critics often write premature obituaries for changing styles and genres.
The writing of epic poetry has not ceased but lives on in the works of
Derek Walcott, who emulates Homer. Body Heat and Paul Verhoeven's Basic
Instinct follow the film noir tradition of the 1940s or 1950s. Many of the
most popular bands of the last several years - like Nirvana, Pearl Jam, and
Smashing Pumpkins - have created a deliberately retrograde sound,
hearkening back to the 1970s. In classical music, Arvo P_„_rt resurrects
the medieval tradition and in jazz George Gruntz has revitalized the big
band.
The pastiche orientation of today's so-called "postmodern" style responds
to two market incentives. First, an increasing number of past styles
accumulate over time. It becomes harder to create works that do not refer
to past styles in some fashion. Second, both creators and audiences come to
know more past styles over time, due to the success of markets in
preserving and disseminating cultural creations. Performers find themselves
increasingly able to establish rapport with their audiences by referring to
past works. Warhol could reproduce Chairman Mao, Marilyn Monroe, or the
Mona Lisa in silkscreen form, but Leonardo da Vinci had a smaller number of
established icons - primarily religious - to draw upon.
Some new artistic developments turn their back on the futuristic and hightech
and embrace earlier, more naturalistic forms of art. Witness the
recent trend of rock stars to go "unplugged" and produce acoustic albums
and concerts. Andy Goldsworthy and Robert Smithson, two contemporary
sculptors, work with objects taken from nature, such as stones, tree
branches, and ice. Artist Cy Twombly uses crayon to great effect. Artists
increase their income and fame by reaching audiences, and they will not
hesitate to cast off electronic gadgetry and draw upon earlier styles to
achieve that end.

Standing still is one tactic that artists cannot prosper by in a dynamic
market economy. Artists stake out niche positions but they are not
protected against competition for long. Picasso and Braque introduced
cubism but eventually had to contend with competitors who built on their
work. Declining eminence and profits, combined with threatening
competition, often induce the original artist to innovate again.
Stravinsky, Picasso, and the Beatles outpaced their competitors, at least
for a while, by undergoing several metamorphoses of style.
Eventually most artists lose the drive or depth to meet challenges and
consequently, they give up their place as industry leaders. Andy Warhol set
up The Factory and sold studio-made prints and silkscreens under his own
name, Maria Callas did not take sufficient care with her voice, and Rossini
ceased composing operas altogether. E.M. Forster published his last novels
in the 1920s, even though he did not die until 1970. "I have nothing more
to say," was his explanation. These artists ceded their places on the
cutting edge of their respective fields.
New innovations do not always eclipse older, more established artistic
forms, but they do inevitably change them. Outside competition shakes up
older forms and spurs new ingenuity. Renaissance sculpture communicated the
idea of depth perspective to painters, jazz crept into the rhythms of
classical music, and movies have speeded up the pacing of the best-selling
novel. Sometimes a new medium pushes other works in the opposite direction.
The advent of television prompted film directors to develop the big-screen,
spectacular movie with special effects. Photography created a cheap
substitute for portraiture, which induced painters to direct their talents
to more abstract and less realistic themes.
Artistic fertilizations and innovations also occur backwards in time, as
later works improve the quality of earlier ones by changing their meaning.
Verdi's opera Otello and Orson Welles's film Othello tell us more about
Shakespeare's Othello than does any piece of literary criticism. These
variations on the work, through different media and presentation, enable us
to see Shakespeare's work anew. Verdi's music brings out the aspect of
terror in the text and influences how we read the play. Subsequent
contributions and adaptations thus make Shakespeare's work richer, just as
Shakespeare's original Othello now contributes to the depth of the later
versions. Art Tatum's piano improvisations, Lichtenstein's takeoffs on
French and Abstract Expressionist paintings, and Beethoven's Diabelli
Variations all shed light on previous artworks to an especially high
degree. T. S. Eliot, who focused on this mechanism in his essay "Tradition
and the Individual Talent," has been prominent on both sides of such
exchanges.
Art creates an interdependent language whose whole exceeds the sum of the
parts. Masterpieces therefore provide more satisfaction and insight as we
accumulate artistic experience. Rossini's operas were once viewed as "too
Germanic" and "too intellectual," because he used the orchestra to frame
the melodic line. The eventual adoption of this practice by opera composers
all over Europe illuminated the universality of Rossini's original
conception. Arthur Danto observes that Andy Warhol's Brillo Boxes would not
have qualified as a work of art, had they been created one hundred years
ago. Not only would these works have passed unappreciated, but they would
not provide compelling images outside of a modern commercial context.
The importance of context and the possibility of ex-post
"reinterpretations" make the best artworks truly inexhaustible. The more
music we know, the more we can hear in the compositions of Bach and
Beethoven. The very best creators manage to anticipate the future
development of their genre and to produce works that will subsequently

exhibit an ever greater richness. In these cases both the consumption and
production of art are subject to increasing returns to scale. The more
notable works that are produced, the greater the significance of the best
works from the past. The present therefore deserves at least partial credit
for our understanding of the past. Ironically, if modern culture were so
poor, it would not be able to produce so many cultural pessimists with such
a fine appreciation of past masterworks. Successive creations increase the
potency of some works but devalue others. We now find Richardson's Pamela
to be implausible and chauvinist; the heroine submits to a forced marriage
to an unsavory character and eventually grows to enjoy it. Contemporary
audiences might best enjoy James Dean's Rebel Without a Cause as unintended
farce, rather than as a rousing story of an angry young man. Markets have
preserved the physical substance of these works but have devalued their
original force and meaning.
Cultural critics and commentators contribute powerfully to the vitality of
market art. Critics put artistic consumers in touch with artistic
producers, and help us separate the wheat from the chaff. They support the
process of taste refinement. Listeners who take a sudden interest in
classical music do not have to sort through the entire eighteenth century
repertoire, but can listen to Mozart and Haydn. Clement Rosenberg and
Harold Greenberg helped the American Abstract Expressionist painters find a
public audience and win their way into museums. Pauline Kael directs our
attention to the best of recent film. I hope my own commentary - in the
form of this book - boosts the interest in contemporary art and music.
These forms of professional cultural criticism, all relatively new
professions, owe their thanks to capitalist wealth. The modern world can
support many thousands of intellectuals who specialize in arguing the
merits of artistic products.
Outsiders as innovators
Outsiders and marginalized minorities often drive artistic innovation. Much
of the dynamic element in American culture, for instance, has been due to
blacks, Jews, and gays, as Camille Paglia has noted. Outsiders have less
stake in the status quo and are more willing to take chances. They face
disadvantages when competing on mainstream turf, but a differentiated
product gives them some chance of obtaining a market foothold. Individuals
who will not otherwise break into the market are more inclined to take
risks, since they have less to lose. Were an all-black orchestra or black
conductor to record the umpteenth version of Mozart's Jupiter symphony, the
racially prejudiced would have no reason to promote or purchase the
product. (Few individuals know the name or the works of the most critically
renowned black conductor of our century, Dean Dixon.) The cost of indulging
discriminatory taste is low when the market offers the virtuostic von
Karajan and Boehm, both former Nazi supporters. But when black performers
played "Take the A Train" or "Maybellene," even many racists were impelled
to support the outsider with their dollars.
The most influential African-American contributions have not come in the
most established cultural forms, such as letters, landscape paintings, and
theater. Instead, America's black minority has dominated new cultural areas
- jazz, rhythm and blues, breakdancing, and rap. Minority innovators bring
novel insights to cultural productions. Their atypical background provides
ideas and aesthetics that the mainstream does not have and, initially,
cannot comprehend. Minorities also must rationalize their outsider status.
They deconstruct their detractors, reexamine fundamentals, and explore how
things might otherwise be. They tend to bring the upstart, parvenu
mentality necessary for innovation. Jazz musician Max Roach pointed out:
"Innovation is in our blood. We [blacks] are not people who can sit back

and say what happened a hundred years ago was great, because what was
happening a hundred years ago was shit: slavery. Black people have to keep
moving."
Capitalism has allowed minority groups to achieve market access, despite
systematic discrimination and persecution. Black rhythm and blues
musicians, when they were turned down by the major record companies,
marketed their product through the independents, such as Chess, Sun, Stax
and Motown. The radio stations that favored Tin Pan Alley over rhythm and
blues found themselves circumvented by the jukebox and the phonograph.
These decentralized means of product delivery allowed the consumer to
choose what kind of music would be played. The French Impressionist
painters, rejected by the government-sponsored academy, financed and ran
their own exhibitions.
In the process modern art markets were born. Jews were kept out of many
American businesses early in this century, but they developed the movie
industry with their own capital, usually earned through commercial retail
activity. Women cracked the fiction market in eighteenth century England
once a wide public readership replaced the system of patronage. Innovators
with a potentially appealing message usually can find profit-seeking
distributors who are willing to place money above prejudice or grudges.
Innovations in preserving past culture
The diversity of the contemporary world includes our unparalleled ability
to preserve and market the cultural contributions of the past. Markets
provide profits to those who successfully preserve and market the cultural
contributions of previous artists. Today's consumers have much better
access to the creations of Mozart than listeners of that time did, even if
we restrict the comparison to Europe. More people saw Wagner's Ring cycle
on public television in 1990 than had seen it live in all Ring productions
since the premiere in 1876. Recorded boxed sets and complete editions of
little-known composers are now common. Once-obscure operas and symphonies
are available in profusion.
Compact disc reissues of classic performances have exceeded all
expectations; record companies eagerly reissue obscure recordings that sell
only a few thousand copies. Old movies, including many silents, can be
rented on video cassette for a pittance. The video laser disc, likely to
fall drastically in price, will provide new and better access to movies and
musical performances. Many classic symphonic and instrumental performances
have been reissued on compact disc. New and definitive editions of many
literary works, or better translations, are being published for the first
time. The classics are available in cheap paperback. Television, video
stores, and bookstores give modern fans much better access to Shakespeare
than the Elizabethans had.
Even lesser painters now have their own one-man shows with published
catalogs full of beautiful color plates. Wealthy American art collectors
have enabled New York's Museum of Modern Art and Metropolitan Museum of Art
to become world leaders in preserving the art of our century and of
centuries past. The Getty and Norton Simon museums in California have been
assembled in recent times from two large private donations. Even the
government-run National Gallery of Art assembled most of its holdings from
private collections like those of the Mellon, Kress, Dale, and Widener
families - paintings that were headed for museums in any case.
Live performance, as a means of preserving the past, also has flourished.
Today's concertgoers can sample a range of musical periods, instruments,
and styles with an ease that previous ages would have envied. While

conductors are mastering twentieth century idioms, they are also refining
"original performance" presentations of Renaissance, Baroque, and classical
styles. American symphony orchestras in Cleveland, Boston, New York,
Philadelphia, and other cities have outpaced many of their European
competitors. From 1965 to 1990 America grew from having 58 symphony
orchestras to having nearly 300, from 27 opera companies to more than 150,
and from 22 non-profit regional theaters to 500.
Our increasing facility at preservation accelerates the rate
of artistic innovation. As extant products are spread and assimilated with
greater ease, newer innovations are demanded and thus spurred to arrive
more quickly. Artists can satisfy these demands through their quicker
access to a wide variety of ideas and inspirations. Beethoven's late string
quartets remained inaccessible to most listeners for long periods of time,
whereas Bartok's string quartets received quick fame because of the
Juilliard Quartet recordings. That is one reason why Bartok's innovations
were assimilated more rapidly than were Beethoven's. Musicians, critics,
and listeners could hear Bartok's quartets whenever they chose, and they
assimilated the new ideas speedily; Beethoven's contributions took more
time to sort out. New methods of communication and preservation have been
arising and spreading at an increasing pace. Print took at least two
centuries to become a generally used means of storing and communicating
information. Radio took thirty-five years. Cinema and television each took
less than twenty years. The compact disc, the VCR, and now the Internet
have caught on even more quickly. As new media spread with greater
rapidity, so do new artistic products and genres.
Learning from the past requires preservation and reproduction. Many of the
artistic creations of antiquity, which were not maintained in sufficiently
durable form, have been lost to the world forever. The onset of the Dark
Ages caused the market for cultural preservation to dry up; during early
medieval times, for instance, many sculptures were worth more for their
bronze, and therefore were melted down and destroyed. The market for
cultural preservation was not fully revived until the spur of Renaissance
wealth supported the markets for old artworks, manuscripts, and artifacts.
Many of the Greek and Roman manuscripts that did survive came to the West
through Islamic civilization, the wealthiest and most market-oriented
region of its day.
Is modernity an age of mass culture?
Many commentators see the modern age as the age of mass culture, where
large numbers of individuals unthinkingly consume the same products. But
the mass culture model applies, at most, to the fields of television and
sports. These areas are highly visible and therefore easy to focus on. I
see television and sports are special cases where competitive pressures
have been partially stifled. They do not represent the vanguard or the
high points of modern culture.
Post-war American television, by and large, has not provided cultural
riches. Television programs entertain us and present appealing characters,
but a canonic list of the best television programs would not, in this
author's opinion, stand up to a comparable list from music, painting, or
literature. My personal and purely idiosyncratic nominations for the best
television products ever - Britain's Monty Python troupe and Ingmar
Bergman's The Magic Flute - both were produced for government-owned
stations, rather than for the market-based American system. I concur with
Robert Hughes, who notes that several hours of American television provide
the best argument against market-supplied culture.

The influence of the television market also has had some consequences for
other cultural media, such as motion pictures. Today a considerable
percentage of the profits from a movie come from the sale of television
rights. Moviemakers, to some degree, have shifted their attention away from
more specialized moviegoers to the more general television audience.
Television helps fund movies which would otherwise not be made, but it also
exerts a negative influence on movie quality.
I do not intend the above remarks as an anti-television polemic. Television
- even its lower brow forms - provides a useful medium for presenting
social issues and showing audiences by example how people can deal with
their personal problems. The rapid and healthy increase in social and
sexual openness, which blossomed in the 1960s and 1970s, is due partly to
television. Television also provides a variety of other non-artistic
services, ranging from news to Sesame Street in Spanish to nature
documentaries.
Legal restrictions on cable television are partly to blame for the cultural
shortcomings of television. For many years the American government gave
monopoly power to the three major networks and certain privileged local
stations. The Federal Communications Commission also holds the power to
revoke the licenses of stations that do not broadcast in the so-called
"public interest." Television has not been able to develop the diversity
necessary to support innovative and visionary cultural products.
The quality of television is especially vulnerable to restrictions on
competition because TV programs have no other outlet. Music, in contrast,
has been less affected by the limitations of radio. Live performance,
phonographs, and juke boxes have provided alternate marketing outlets.
There are also more radio stations than television channels. If mass taste
had controlled other genres as it has controlled television, they too would
fare little or no better. A society with three major outlets for books,
distributing common products for all who wish to read, would not have
produced Vladimir Nabokov's Lolita or Franz Kafka's Metamorphosis. The
virtues of cultural markets lie not in the quality of mass taste but rather
in the ability of artists to find minority support for their own
conceptions. Even Michael Jackson, an unparalleled cultural phenomenon
whose Thriller album has sold fifty million copies worldwide, has never
commanded the allegiance of most Americans.
With the widespread advent of cable and satellite television, the reign of
mass taste in television programming has begun to decline. The competitive
rivalry of market forces tends to "de-massify" the media, to borrow a
phrase from Alvin Toffler. The television audience is fragmenting as
special interest stations proliferate on cable. In the last fifteen years,
the three major networks have lost thirty million viewers - a third of
their audience. Diverse products appealing to market niches can exploit the
vulnerability of bland products aimed at mass audiences. Cable
subscriptions frequently give individuals access to 150 stations or more,
and the number is growing steadily.
It nonetheless remains an open question how much cultural inspiration
television will produce in the future. The American experience with cable
television has disappointed many expectations. Many cable channels focus on
repackaging traditional network programs; we now can view reruns of
situation comedies at all times of the day. Much of cable's diversity has
supported evangelists, Home Shopping Network, personal advertisements in
search of romance, ongoing weather reports, airline schedules, and soap
operas in various languages. These products are useful to consumers but
they are unlikely to provide cultural products that will stand the test of
time. Cable channels have produced fewer new programs that many observers

had expected. Even when the number of available channels is large, creators
still must cover their production and marketing costs by bringing in a
sizable audience.
On the brighter side, cable now offers a smorgasbord of the world's
greatest movies, the modern drama of sporting events, MTV, and a smattering
of the high arts. The Discovery channel provides quasi-cultural services
through photography and portraying the beauties of the natural world. The
educational functions of cable bring indirect cultural benefits.
Individuals can now take a class in Shakespeare without leaving their
living rooms, or can use foreign language channels to improve their
linguistic skills, thereby enlarging their access to the world's cultural
treasures.
It remains to be seen whether the failures of cable TV will prove temporary
or permanent. The advent of digital compression will bring the number of
cable stations to at least 500 in the near future. The future may bring
interactive cable systems that will allow each viewer to choose the program
that he or she prefers from a large program menu. It is possible that cable
television, like the printing press, radio, and the phonograph in their
early days, is just beginning to realize its potential. The introduction of
the video cassette and laser disc have expanded viewing diversity further.
Viewers can now choose what will appear on their screen, drawing on a wide
range of video stores and tape producers. In addition to movies, these
outlets offer tapes of travel footage, music, dance, paintings, opera, and
video art. Today's video stores are treasure chests of modern cultural
achievement, following along the lines of the ancient Ptolemiac library in
Alexandria, but far more successful in their preservation and distribution.
Sports remain the primary arena where mass culture will survive in the
future. Sports mix entertainment with live drama and a smattering of
performance art and dance. Rather than hiring actors and actresses to
pretend that staged events matter, we fund events whose reality does matter
to the participants. Consumers are wealthy enough to create real drama with
fame, money, and ego on the line. Sports - although they do not qualify as
art in the narrow sense - provide a commonly observed stage onto a world of
many diverse and specialized performances.
Sporting leagues are a natural market monopoly rather than a monopoly
created by government. Many sports fans prefer the drama of seeing a welldefined
"best," such as the Super Bowl, or they prefer seeing the game that
others are seeing. By following well-established sports, individuals have
something they can discuss and share with others, even strangers. In both
basketball and football we have seen upstart leagues (the ABA and the AFL)
but the eventual result was consolidation and cooperation.
Minor leagues and college teams show that sporting natural monopolies are
far from absolute, but the established major leagues nonetheless possess a
strong incumbency advantage. Yet even the natural monopoly of incumbent
sports leagues has not shut down diversity and innovation. Spectators can
watch a greater number of sports than ever before, either in live
performance or on cable television. We have round-the-clock coverage of the
Olympics. Soccer and tennis can now be viewed on a regular basis, and
followed on the Internet. Professional NBA basketball had been thought on
the verge of extinction in the 1970s, but today acrobatic moves and slam
dunks are capturing the imagination of youth around the world.

GOVERNMENT AS CUSTOMER: WHAT ROLE DOES THE STATE PLAY?
Music and the arts have been moving away from government funding since the
Middle Ages. The Renaissance, the Enlightenment, the nineteenth century
Romantic movement, and twentieth century modernism all brought art further
into the market sphere. Today, most of the important work in film, music,
literature, painting, and sculpture is sold as a commodity. Contemporary
art is capitalist art, and the history of art has been a history of the
struggle to establish markets. These trends will not be reversed in any
foreseeable course for the current world, regardless of our opinion of
government funding for the arts. Most countries in the world are not
contemplating reversions to socialism. The arguments of this book, taken
alone, cannot determine which side is correct in the American political
debates over government funding of the arts. Rather, I wish to challenge
the common premise of cultural pessimism behind both sides. Funding critics
argue that the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) is corrupting American
culture, while funding advocates claim that eliminating the NEA would
critically damage American culture. I see American culture, and the culture
of the free world, as fundamentally healthy in any case.
The real choice today is between two alternate optimistic visions of our
cultural future. In one vision, government funding plays a minor but
supportive role by creating niches for artists who might otherwise fall
between the cracks. Government serves as one of many entrepreneurs in the
cultural marketplace.
In the second vision, even small amounts of government funding will more
likely corrupt the arts than improve them. The costs of politicizing art
might outweigh the benefits from additional government funding of art.
Governments, even democratic ones, tend to favor the cultural status quo
that put them in power, or to shape a new status quo that will cement their
power.
Contrary to the claim of Alexis de Tocqueville, democracy need not prove an
inferior system for the arts, compared to aristocracy. At most democratic
government might be inferior for the arts, compared to aristocratic
government. Democratic systems as a whole do extraordinarily well when they
allow an accompanying capitalistic market to fund most of its artistic
activity. The cultural rise of the American nation, which occurred after
largely after de Tocqueville wrote, provides the strongest argument against
his thesis. After the second World War, America has been a clear world
leader in film, painting, and popular music, and has had a strong presence,
arguably second to none, in literature, poetry, and music composition.
Among other factors, de Tocqueville overlooked the rise of the steamship,
which brought American in closer touch with Europe in the late nineteenth
century, and facilitated beneficial cultural exchange.
The state does best in promoting the arts when it acts as simply another
customer, patron, or employer, rather than as a bureaucracy with a public
mandate. Direct government funding works best when it serves as private
funding in disguise, such as when Philip IV hired Velazquez to serve as his
court painter. In similar fashion, the royal court of Louis XIV supported
Moliere and the German municipalities of Weimar, C_"_then, and Leipzig
hired Johann Sebastian Bach to serve as town musician. We can find many
cases where monarchs, Popes, municipalities, guilds, and other governmental
or quasi-governmental institutions commissioned or otherwise supported
notable works.
We should not, however, overestimate the successes of government funding.
For every Velazquez, governments have supported hundreds of unknown court
painters. Autocracy will sometimes place substantial resources in the hands

of an artistic superstar, but, more often than not, will promote mediocre
hacks. The purse strings are in the hands of politicians who seek personal
power for themselves, and flattery and obedience from others. For this
reason aristocratic government does not guarantee artistic success, even
though we can point to some inspired aristocratic buyers.
Whether government funding for the arts should be discontinued, maintained,
or extended brings two sets of incommensurable values into conflict. On one
hand, the case against funding makes two valid points. First, tax-supported
funding forces consumers to forgo goods and services which they would
prefer more than art. Second, many individuals believe it is unjust to
force conservative Christians to support an exhibit of Robert Mapplethorpe,
to draw an example from the U.S. context. On the other hand, funding
supporters point out that more money will support more artists, more art,
and, if done with reasonable care, will improve our artistic heritage.
Neither side has succeeded in showing that its favored values are more
important than the values favored by the other side.
Public choice theory suggests that government arts funding cannot be
restructured to avoid this clash of artistic vs. non-artistic values.
Artistic buyers must be liberated from account ability to the masses, if
they are to have a chance of influencing the market in a positive
direction. Art and democratic politics, although both beneficial
activities, operate on conflicting principles. In the field of art new
masterpieces usually bring aesthetic revolutions, which tend to offend
majority opinion or go over its head. In the field of politics we seek
stability, compromise, and consensus. This same conservatism, so valuable
in politics, stifles beauty and innovation in art.
The current American political debate has confronted the NEA with an
impossible task. The NEA is supposed to deliver the benefits of privileged
spending while receiving its funding from a democratic system based on
political accountability. The result is an agency whose best and most
innovative actions - such as funding exhibits of Robert Mapplethorpe and
Andres Serrano - are precisely those that offend its taxpaying supporters.
Ironically, the massive publicity generated by NEA critics may have done
more for the arts than the NEA itself. Jesse Helms, with his virulent,
prejudiced attacks on Robert Mapplethorpe, did far more for that artist
than the Washington arts establishment has. Mapplethorpe's name is now a
household word.
In his lifetime, Mapplethorpe did not need government assistance; he became
a millionaire by selling his photographs in the marketplace. Jesse Helms,
however, did bring Mapplethorpe his current fame. The American government
has done a good deal to support the arts, but most of the successes have
come from outside of the NEA. The entire NEA budget, at its peak, fell well
short of the amount of money required to produce Kevin Costner's Waterworld
epic. NEA expenditures have never exceeded seventy cents per capita, and
the NEA has never been vital to American artistic success. Before 1965,
when the NEA was created, American culture - even the preservation of high
culture - flourished. The best American symphony orchestras and museums
were created well before 1965 and without NEA involvement.
The bulk of American governmental support for the arts has come in two
other forms. First, the tax deduction for contributions to artistic nonprofits
has greatly benefited museums, opera companies, and other artistic
activities that rely on private donations. Government also exempts not-forprofit
institutions from income taxation. Tax deductibility allows
government to support the arts without making judgments about the relative
artistic merits of different projects. Just as tax deductibility has

succeeded in supporting American religion or the American housing market,
so has it improved the quantity and quality of American culture.
Second, federal and state governments provide massive indirect support to
the arts through subsidies to higher education. Many of today's cuttingedge
composers and writers rely on university positions for part- or fulltime
support while they pursue their craft. While the number of writers and
composers in university jobs may have overly academized American culture,
professorships have been the only available source of support for many of
these creators. Whether American higher educational policies have been a
good thing, all things considered, falls outside the scope of this book.
But seen as cultural policy, government subsidies for higher education are
far more significant than the small sums spent by the NEA.
Governments often support creativity most effectively by providing a large
number of jobs where individuals are not expected to work very hard. Many
leading eighteenth century writers, for instance, worked for the government
bureaucracy. These individuals pursued their creative interests either in
their spare time or while "on the job." John Gay, Daniel Defoe, and
Jonathan Swift, to name but a few examples, all received substantial income
from government employment. Goethe spent much of his life working as a
government administrator while writing in his spare time. The university
has now stepped into the role once provided by the bureaucracy - teaching
posts give talented individuals financial security with a relative minimum
of daily responsibilities.
The funding model of Western Europe differs from that of the United States.
Germany and France, for instance, deliberately sacrifice contemporary
popular culture to both older, high culture and to the contemporary avantgarde.
These governments restore old cathedrals and subsidize classic opera
and theater, while simultaneously supporting the extreme avant-garde, such
as Boulez, Stockhausen, and Beuys. Yet European popular culture, especially
in cinema and music, is largely moribund and lacking in creativity. Germany
and France have not escaped the bureaucratization of culture. The French
Ministry of Culture,for instance, spends $3 billion a year and employs
12,000 bureaucrats. Yet France has lost her position as a world cultural
leader, and few other countries embrace American popular culture with such
fervor.
Government involvement in cultural preservation involves costs beyond the
immediate tax burden - state support makes the arts more bureaucratic and
less dynamic. Government, when it acts as customer on a very large scale,
often pushes out beneficial market influences. The American market has less
government funding but receives much more funding from consumers and
private donors. As in the American debate, European arts funding brings a
clash of potentially incommensurable values and does not admit of
resolution through positive analysis alone. One alternative (minority)
vision suggests that government funding can create a useful target for
radical artists. American painter John Sloan said "Sure, it would be fine
to have a Ministry of the Fine Arts in this country. Then we'd know where
the enemy is."
HIGH AND LOW CULTURE
Sometimes we distinguish between "high" culture, the items achieving
greatest critical acclaim, and "low" culture, the most popular cultural
items. Economic incentives support this split between high and low culture.
Capitalism supports product diversity and gives many artists the means to
work outside of the popular mainstream. The resulting split between high

culture and low culture indicates the sophistication of modernity, not its
corruption or disintegration. A world where high and low culture were
strongly integrated would be a world that devoted little effort to
satisfying minority tastes. Genres that rely heavily on equipment and
materials, which I describe as capital-intensive, tend to produce popular
art. Genres with low capital costs, which I describe as labor-intensive,
tend to produce high art. The movie spectacular with expensive special
effects is likely to have a happy ending. The low-budget art film, directed
and financed by an iconoclastic auteur, may leave the viewer searching.
Basic financial and economic reasons support these tendencies. Ongoing
artistic endeavors must cover their costs - through sale, subsidy, or
donation - if they are to persist. To the extent that costs are high, the
influence of the funders increases and the artistic freedom of the creators
decreases.
Painting and poetry, highly labor-intensive solo activities, offer
especially large room for the avant-garde. Creators in these areas can
eschew the mass public and pursue creative self-expression without
receiving complaints from shareholders. Capital-intensive movies, in
contrast, reflect middle-class tastes more closely. Most movies must pull
in large sums of money to cover their production and distribution costs.
Movie makers are therefore impelled to appeal to a relatively broad
audience.
Hollywood provides an ongoing battleground for opposing high and low
culture forces, as the differing goals of the participants build artistic
conflict into the system. Artists are motivated by creative selfexpression,
fame, and money, but owners of capital goods are usually
motivated by profit alone. Consider the film Blade Runner. Actor Harrison
Ford sought fame and stature, director Ridley Scott sought creative selfexpression,
but the shareholders of Warner sought profit alone. Warner
forced Scott to add a happy ending to his masterpiece, even though the
resolution was unconvincing and diminished the quality of the picture. Only
later, when the movie was reissued (Blade Runner: The Director's Cut), was
Scott able to restore the original, and far superior, ambiguous ending.
Harrison Ford and Ridley Scott are renowned and worshipped for their talent
but the shareholders of Warner are not. Finding no other reward, the
shareholders pursue profit maximization and push for mass audience appeal.
High and low culture usually appear to be diverging. New genres tend to
have initially high capital costs; otherwise they would have been
previously feasible prior to innovation. The new art of film appealed to a
broad public with popular themes. At the same time painting and literature,
with falling capital costs, moved away from mass taste. Charlie Chaplin's
City Lights and James Joyce's Finnegans Wake, two versions of the modernist
aesthetic pitched at different audiences, reflect these varying economic
constraints. Some parts of capitalist culture move in the direction of
popular taste while, at the same time, others become more esoteric.
Falling costs and growing demand enabled the movies to grow more rapidly in
the 1920s than did other cultural media. Popular culture appeared to be
gaining at the expense of high culture. But in fact such growth eventually
transforms popular culture into high culture. As popular culture genres
lower their costs, they achieve the potential for greater diversity and
exoticism.
Art films, documentaries, and avant-garde movies have expanded since the
early days of the medium. Artistic genres or sub-genres sometimes will move
back in the direction of popular taste and away from the esoteric. Even if
the cost of artistic production is falling, the costs of distribution may

e rising, making an apparently labor-intensive endeavor in fact highly
capital-intensive. Publishers of best- selling novels, in their attempt to
reach larger audiences, spend more on advertising than ever before.
Publishers need to recoup these expenditures through high sales volume. The
need to hit the bestseller lists helps explain why plot has achieved
greater emphasis over subtlety and elegance of language. Literature as a
whole has become more diverse, and provided greater room for the esoteric,
but media expenditures have caused the bestseller list to emphasize mass
appeal to increasing degree.
The decreasing economic importance of the family has reinforced the split
between high and low culture. In previous eras individuals tended to learn
job skills from older family members. Many of the most renowned creators of
the past - including all of the best known classical composers and some of
the leading painters - received extensive familial training at very young
ages. These family mentors were often good artists and musicians, but they
tended to lack creativity and hold tastes well within the mainstream. They
taught their sons and daughters to produce accessible creations. Today
increased wealth and division of labor have allowed expert trainers to
replace family mentoring. Budding composers now seek to please genre
specialists rather than a general audience.
Increasing ease of reproducibility, a fundamentally healthy market
development, drives a further wedge between high and low culture.
Reproducibility gives critics the option of embracing relatively unpopular
creations from the past. Eighteenth century musical audiences, for the most
part, knew only the music that they could hear in live performance.
Recordings did not exist and the music of earlier composers was difficult
to obtain in manuscript form. High and low musical culture had to be drawn
from the same limited set of options, increasing the likelihood that they
would coincide.
Today's critical listener can draw his or her high culture from the music
of many centuries. We can applaud the merits of Palestrina and Mahler while
Top 40 plays REM and Madonna. The increased number of past creations and
our superior access to them support a greater diversity of taste. The most
popular music is usually drawn from current styles, whereas the
accumulation of passed time increases the likelihood that critics will
favor works from the past.
High culture, however, has never been a static concept. Reproducibility and
preservation allow today's low culture to evolve into tomorrow's high
culture. Shakespeare, in his day, enjoyed great popularity with the masses,
but he had not yet entered a cultural pantheon. Many critics had never seen
the plays, considered him "low brow," or simply ignored his work.
The later growth of a mass market in books allowed readers and critics to
study and debate Shakespeare at their leisure. By the eighteenth century
some critics were suggesting that he was one of the greatest Western
writers. Drawing upon accumulated centuries of textual study and exegesis,
Harold Bloom now tells us that "The Western canon *is* Shakespeare..."
By the time a new high culture has evolved through critical debate,
however, popular culture has left it far behind. Critical opinion changes
slowly, only after much discussion, debate, and soul-searching. The masses,
in contrast, often change their fickle tastes overnight. The turnover in
Top 40 radio far outpaces the turnover in the Penguin Guide to classical
music recordings. Many buyers deliberately seek out the new, but many
critics seek to develop evaluations that will stand the test of time.

OUTLINE OF CHAPTERS AND TOPICS
Taking the cultural pessimists as an intellectual foil, I seek to present a
more persuasive framework for understanding the past, present, and future
of our culture. The next four chapters examine some aspects of the
evolution of culture, consider the criticisms of the pessimists, and argue
for an optimistic attitude more favorable to a capitalistic market economy.
The topics of the chapters are as follows. The second chapter focuses on
the economics of literary production since the Western advent of the
printing press in the fifteenth century. Books are easier to reproduce and
store than most artworks and can therefore reach larger audiences. The
professional author faces a larger middle class market than most
professional artists do; this may prove either a blessing or a curse. I
consider how and when professional authorship became possible, whether fame
incentives have misfired in literature, and whether today's literary world
is plagued by excessive commercialization.
The third chapter, on the visual arts, provides a selected overview of
Western painting and sculpture from the Italian Renaissance up through the
present day. Most of the narrative focuses on critical periods in art
history, including the Florentine Renaissance, the Dutch Golden Age of the
seventeenth century, the French Impressionists, and the rise of New York as
a world art center in this century. For reasons explained in that chapter,
the visual arts have been especially dependent upon the rise of
cosmopolitan urban centers, the growth of wealthy merchant classes, and
innovations in the physical materials of production.
The fourth chapter examines the role of markets in supporting the
development of Western music. The chronology stretches from the rise of
Baroque and classical music up through blues, rock and roll, rap, and
contemporary classical composition. Music, at various times, has been
marketed through church settings, live concert performance, sheet music,
and recordings and radio. The different methods of selling musical ideas
help account for the diversity of music and for the especially pronounced
split between high musical culture and low musical culture.
Literature, music, and painting have developed at different times, in
different locales, and under different market conditions. Yet these arts
also provide an integrated picture of the evolution of artistic
achievement. A similar logic of creativity - innovators seeking to free
themselves from external constraints to pursue internal goals - pervades
artistic work in all forms and genres. The diverse paths of the various
arts can be partially accounted for by differences in costs of production,
durability, reproducibility, capital-labor ratios, and means of marketing.
The fifth and concluding chapter examines the sources and motivations
behind cultural pessimism in more detail. Who are the cultural pessimists
and why do they adopt such skeptical attitudes? The pessimists, who also
partake in creative activity, are influenced by internal and external
artistic forces just as cultural producers are. If we embrace cultural
optimism for the production of art, what hopes ought we hold for the
criticism of art? I treat criticism, including excessively pessimistic
criticism, as a form of diversity favored by market mechanisms, and as part
of the discovery mechanism which supports cultural refinement and progress.