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Global Security: in Search of a New Vision - Center for Strategic ...

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110 NATO Assis tant Sec re tary Gen eral Peter C.W. Flory<br />

years, and con cluded that these pro grams pose an <strong>in</strong>creas <strong>in</strong>g threat to the Alli ance. This ech oed NATO’s<br />

f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong>gs at the Riga and Prague Sum mits.<br />

While no one can pre dict with con fi dence the exact pace <strong>of</strong> Iran’s mis sile and nuclear devel op ments,<br />

there is an aware ness among Allies that cur rent trends are br<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>g more and more <strong>of</strong> NATO ter ri tory<br />

<strong>in</strong>to mis sile range <strong>of</strong> Iran. There is also an appre ci a tion <strong>of</strong> the fact that devel op <strong>in</strong>g a NATO sys tem to<br />

defend NATO ter ri tory aga<strong>in</strong>st bal lis tic mis siles, if the Alli ance decides to do so, will take time, so delay -<br />

<strong>in</strong>g deci sions until we have per fect clar ity on the threat would <strong>in</strong>volve risks.<br />

I th<strong>in</strong>k the Bucha rest Dec la ra tion also reflects an aware ness that <strong>in</strong> addi tion to spe cific pro grams <strong>in</strong><br />

spe cific coun tries <strong>of</strong> con cern, there is also, at a more gen eral level, a grow <strong>in</strong>g nexus or poten tial nexus<br />

between (1) the spread <strong>of</strong> dangerous capabilities, specifically ballistic missiles and nuclear, biological, and<br />

chemical weapons and technologies, (2) political <strong>in</strong>stability, and (3) extremist ideologies, <strong>in</strong> areas <strong>of</strong><br />

impor tance to NATO and NATO mem bers, that could pose a threat to the secu rity <strong>of</strong> the Alli ance. This<br />

approach is some times described as a “capa bil ity-based approach,” focus <strong>in</strong>g not only on iden ti fied<br />

threats, but on the broader ques tion <strong>of</strong> how an adver sary—any adver sary—might fight, and what capa -<br />

bil i ties might be needed to coun ter such threats.<br />

After not <strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>creas <strong>in</strong>g threat, the Bucha rest Dec la ra tion goes on to say:<br />

“Mis sile defence <strong>for</strong>ms part <strong>of</strong> a broader response to coun ter this threat.”<br />

One <strong>of</strong> the ques tions many gov ern ments asked them selves, after the U.S. pro posal put mis sile defence<br />

back on the agenda <strong>in</strong> NATO, was, where does mis sile defence fit <strong>in</strong>to the spec trum <strong>of</strong> tra di tional mea -<br />

sures <strong>for</strong> com bat <strong>in</strong>g the spread <strong>of</strong> mis siles and WMD For exam ple, should it be addressed by diplo -<br />

macy, arms con trol, non-pro lif er a tion regimes, and tra di tional mil i tary deter rence For some, the<br />

ques tion was, will mis sile defence under m<strong>in</strong>e or weaken these tra di tional tools<br />

The answer NATO came up with was to rec og nize that mis sile defence is part <strong>of</strong> a broad, lay ered<br />

defence along with all the mech a nisms I just men tioned. Most nations, <strong>of</strong> course, sim ply do not have the<br />

desire to pos sess dan ger ous, destabiliz<strong>in</strong>g weap ons. In other cases, exist <strong>in</strong>g treaty and polit i cal norms,<br />

together with vigourous non-pro lif er a tion pol i cies and diplo macy, have helped shape the bal ance <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>cen tives so nations have aban doned the pur suit or pos ses sion <strong>of</strong> these weap ons—<strong>for</strong> exam ple<br />

Kazakhstan and Ukra<strong>in</strong>e, South Africa, and Libya.<br />

But these mech a nisms have been unable to pre vent some nations from defy <strong>in</strong>g the rules and norms.<br />

Not every nation agrees to be bound by trea ties and agree ments, and some <strong>of</strong> those that do, cheat. And it<br />

does n’t take a large num ber <strong>of</strong> nations like this to cre ate a threat to oth ers.<br />

In this con text, Alli ance lead ers con cluded that mis sile defence could sup port tra di tional arms con trol<br />

and non-proliferation measures. In particular, by devalu<strong>in</strong>g ballistic missile capabilities, missile defence<br />

can over time reduce the <strong>in</strong>cen tive to develop mis siles <strong>in</strong> the first place.<br />

Another con sid er ation was the impact <strong>of</strong> mis sile defence on tra di tional deter rence. Here there is no<br />

doubt that tra di tional mil i tary deter rence will con t<strong>in</strong>ue to play a vital role. But there is a grow <strong>in</strong>g con cern<br />

that, <strong>in</strong> an era <strong>of</strong> dic ta to rial and/or extrem ist regimes that may not share our val ues or assump tionsand<br />

espe cially after Sep tem ber 11 rede f<strong>in</strong>ed the lim its <strong>of</strong> what might be con sid ered “unth<strong>in</strong>k able”traditional<br />

deter rence, while nec es sary, may no lon ger be suf fi cient. NATO nations also under stand that some<br />

coun tries pur sue bal lis tic mis siles and WMD pre cisely because these can fur nish an asym met ric means to<br />

counter traditional military strengths and deterrence.<br />

Another ele ment <strong>in</strong> this dis cus sion was the poten tial value <strong>of</strong> defen sive options <strong>in</strong> deter r<strong>in</strong>g or coun -<br />

ter <strong>in</strong>g threats, <strong>for</strong> exam ple, <strong>in</strong> the case <strong>of</strong> a rogue regime will <strong>in</strong>g to launch an attack aga<strong>in</strong>st an Alli ance<br />

mem ber, then use its own pop u la tion as a shield to pre vent a mil i tary response.

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